A Journal of the
Plague Year.
Daniel Defoe.
This
Renascence Edition was transcribed by Risa Stephanie Bear, February,
2008, from
the text as found in A Journal of the/Plague Year/Being
Observations or Memorials/of the most Remarkable Occurences, as/well
Publick as Private, which/happened in London during/the last
Great
Visitation in 1665/Written by a Citizen who continued all the/while in
London. Never made publick before. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
Publisher to the Shakespeare Head Press of Stratford-upon-Avon, 1928
[Which is taken from the edition of 1722].
Content unique
to this presentation is copyright © 2008 The
University
of Oregon. For nonprofit and educational uses only. Send comments and
corrections
to the publisher, risasb[at]gmail.com
For
Rachel and Robert.
A
Journal of the
Plague Year
M E M O I R S OF T
H E P L A G U E
[Running Head]
T was about the Beginning
of September 1664, that I, among the Rest of my Neighbours,
heard in ordinary Discourse, that the Plague was return'd again in
Holland; for it had been very violent there, and
particularly at Amsterdam and Roterdam, in the
Year 1663, whether they say, it was brought, some said from Italy,
others from the Levant among some Goods, which were brought
home by their Turkey Fleet; others said it was brought from Candia;
others from Cyprus. It mattered not, from whence it come; but
all agreed, it was come into Holland again.
We had no such thing as printed News-Papers in those Days, to spread
Rumours and Reports of Things; and to improve them by the Invention of
Men, as I have liv'd to see practis'd since. But such things as these
were gather'd from the Letters of Merchants, and others, who
corresponded abroad, and from them was handed about by Word of Mouth
only; so that things did not spread instantly over the whole Nation, as
they do now. But it seems that the Government had a true Account of it,
and several Counsels were held about Ways to prevent its coming over;
but all was kept very private.
Hence it was, that this Rumour died off again, and People began to
forget it, as a thing we were very little concern'd in, and that we
hoped was not true; till the latter End of November, or the
Beginning of December 1664, when two Men, said to be
French-men, died of the Plague in Long Acre, or rather at the
upper End of Drury Lane. The Family they were in, endeavour'd
to conceal it as much as possible; but as it had gotten some Vent in
the Discourse of the Neighbourhood, the Secretaries of State gat
Knowledge of it. And concerning themselves to inquire about it, in
order to be certain of the Truth, two Physicians and a Surgeon were
order'd to go to the House, and make Inspection. This they did; and
finding evident Tokens of the Sickness upon both the Bodies that were
dead, they gave their Opinions publickly, that they died of the Plague:
Whereupon it was given in to the Parish Clerk, and he also return'd
them to the Hall; and it was printed in the weekly Bill of Mortality in
the usual manner, thus,
Plague
2. Parishes Infected I
The People shew'd a great Concern at this,and began to be allarm'd all
over the Town, and the more, because in the last Week in December 1664,
another Man died in the same House, and of the same Distemper: And then
we were easy again for about six Weeks, when none having died with
any Marks of Infection, it was said, the Distemper was gone; but after
that, I think it was about the 12th of February, another died
in another House, but in the same Parish, and in the same manner.
This turn'd the Peoples Eyes pretty much towards that End of the Town;
and the weekly Bills shewing an Encrease of Burials in St. Giles'
Parish more than usual, it began to be suspected, that the Plague was
among the People at that End of the Town; and that many had died of it,
tho' they had taken Care to keep it as much from the Knowledge of the
Publick, as possible: This possess'd the Heads of the People very much,
and few car'd to go thro' Drury Lane, or the other Streets
suspected, unless they had extraordinary Business, that obliged
them to it.
This Encrease of the Bills stood thus: the usual Number of Burials
in a Week, in the Parishes of St. Giles's in the Fields, and
St. Andrew's Holborn, were from 12 to 17 or 19 each, few more
or less; but from the Time that the Plague first began in St. Giles'
Parish, it was observ'd, that the ordinary Burials encreased in Number
considerably. For Example,
From Dec. 27th to Jan. 3.
|
St. Gile's --------16
St. Andrew's-----17
|
Jan. 3
to------------10.
|
St. Gile's --------12
St. Andrew's-----25 |
Jan. 10
to----------17.
|
St. Gile's --------18
St. Andrew's-----18 |
Jan 17 to Jan.
24.
|
St. Gile's --------23
St. Andrew's-----16 |
Ja. 24 to
-----------31.
|
St. Gile's --------24
St. Andrew's-----15 |
Jan. 30 to Feb.
7.
|
St. Gile's --------21
St. Andrew's-----23 |
Feb. 7
to-----------14.
|
St. Gile's --------24
whereof one of the Plague. |
The like Encrease of the Bills was observ'd in the Parishes of St.
Brides, adjoining on one Side of Holborn Parish, and in the Parish of
St. James Clarkenwell, adjoining on the other Side of Holborn; in
both which Parishes the usual Numbers that died weekly, were from 4
to 6 or 8, whereas at that time they were increas'd, as
follows.
From Dec. 20 to Dec. 27.
|
St. Bride's -------- 0
St. James's-------- 8
|
Dec. 27
to Jan. 3.
|
St. Bride's -------- 6
St. James's-------- 9 |
Jan. 3
to--------10.
|
St. Bride's --------11
St. James's-------- 7 |
Jan 17 to-------24.
|
St. Bride's -------- 9
St. James's--------15 |
Ja. 24
to
-------31.
|
St. Bride's -------- 8
St. James's--------12 |
Jan. 31 to Feb.
7.
|
St. Bride's --------13
St. James's-------- 5 |
Feb.
7
to--------14.
|
St. Bride's --------12
St. James's-------- 6 |
Besides this, it was observ'd with great Uneasiness by the People, that
the weekly Bills in general encreas'd very much during these Weeks,
altho' it was at a Time-of the Year, when usually the Bills are very
moderate.
The usual Number of Burials within the Bills of Mortality for a
Week, was from about 240 or thereabouts, to 300. The last was esteem'd
a pretty high Bill; but after this we found the Bills successively
encreasing, as follows.
|
Increased |
Dec. the 20 to the 27th.
|
Buried 291. -------
|
27. to the 3 |
-------349 --------58
|
January 3 to the 10. |
-------394 --------45 |
10. to the 17. |
-------415 --------21 |
17. to the 24. |
-------474 --------59 |
This last Bill was really frightful, being a higher Number than had
been known to have been buried in one Week, since the preceeding
Visitation of 1656.
However, all this went off again, and the Weather proving cold, and the
Frost which began in December, still continuing very severe,
even till
near the End of February, attended with sharp tho' moderate
Winds, the
Bills decreas'd again, and the City grew healthy, and everybody began
to look upon the Danger as good as over; only that still the Burials in
St. Giles's, continu'd high: From the Beginning of April especially
they stood at 25 each Week, till the Week from the i8th to the 25th,
when there was buried in St. Giles's Parish 30, whereof two of
the
Plague, and 8 of the Spotted-Feaver, which was look'd upon as the same
thing; likewise the Number that died of the Spotted-Feaver in the whole
increased, being 8 the Week before, and 12 the Week above-named.
This alarm'd us all again, and terrible Apprehensions were among the
People, especially the Weather being now chang'd and growing warm, and
the Summer being at Hand: However, the next Week there seem'd to be
some Hopes again, the Bills were low, the Number of the Dead in all was
but 388, there was none of the Plague, and but four of the
Spotted-Feaver.
But the following Week it return'd again, and the Distemper was spread
into two or three other Parishes (viz.) St. Andrew's Holborn,
St. Clement's-Danes, and to the great Affliction of the
City, one died
within the Walls, in the Parish of St. Mary-Wool-Church, that
is to
say, in Bearbinder Lane, near Stocks-market; in all
there was nine of
the Plague, and six of the Spotted-Feaver. It was however upon Inquiry
found, that this Frenchman who died in Bearbinder-Lane,
was one who having liv'd in Long-Acre,
near the infected Houses, had removed for fear of the Distemper,
not knowing that he was already infected.
This was the beginning of May, yet the Weather was temperate,
variable
and cool enough, and People had still some Hopes: That which encourag'd
them was, that the City was healthy, the whole 97 Parishes buried but
54, and we began to hope, that as it was chiefly among the People at
that End of the Town, it might go no farther; and the rather, because
the next Week which was from the 9th of May to the 16th there
died but
three, of which not one within the whole City or Liberties, and
St. Andrew's buried but 15, which was very low: 'Tis true, St. Giles's
buried two and thirty, but still as there was but one of the Plague,
People began to be easy, the whole Bill also was very low, for the Week
before, the Bill was but 347, and the Week above-mentioned
but 343: We continued in these Hopes for a few Days, but it was but for
a few; for the Peoples were no more to be deceived thus; they searcht
the Houses, and found that the Plague was really spread every way, and
that many died of it every Day: So that now all our Extenuations
abated, and it was no more to be concealed, nay it quickly appeared
that the Infection had spread it self beyond all Hopes of Abatement:
that in the Parish of St. Giles's, it was gotten into several
Streets,
and several Families lay all sick together; And accordingly in the
Weekly Bill for the next Week, the thing began to shew it self; there
was indeed but 14 set down of the Plague, but this was all Knavery and
Collusion, for St. Giles's Parish they buried 40 in all,
whereof it was
certain most of them died of the Plague, though they were set down
of other Distempers; and though the Number of all the Burials
were not increased above 32, and the whole Bill being but 385, yet
there was 14 of the Spot-ted-Feaver, as well as 14 of the Plague; and
we took it for granted upon the whole, that there was 50 died that Week
of the Plague.
The next Bill was from the 23rd of May to the 30th, when the
Number of
the Plague was 17: But the Burials in St. Giles's were 53, a
frightful
Number! of whom they set down but 9 of the Plague: But on an
Examination more strictly by the Justices of the Peace, and at the Lord
Mayor's Request, it was found there were 20 more, who were really dead
of the Plague in that Parish, but had been set down of the
Spotted-Feaver or other Distempers, besides others concealed.
But those were trifling Things to what followed immediately after;
for now the Weather set in hot, and from the first Week in June, the
Infection spread in a dreadful Manner, and the Bills rise high, the
Articles of the Feaver, Spotted-Feaver, and Teeth, began to swell: For
all that could conceal their Distempers, did it to prevent their
Neighbours shunning and refusing to converse with them; and also
to prevent Authority shutting up their Houses, which though it was not
yet practised, yet was threatned, and People were extremely terrify'd
at the Thoughts of it.
The Second Week in June, the Parish of St. Giles's,
where still the
Weight of the Infection lay, buried 120, whereof though the Bills said
but 68 of the Plague; every Body said there had been 100 at
least,calculating it from the usual Number of Funerals in that Parish
as above.
Till this Week the City continued free, there having never any died
except that one Frenchman, who I mention'd before, within the whole 97
Parishes. Now there died four within
the City, one in Wood-street, one in Fenchurch-street,
and two in Crooked-lane: Southwark was entirely free, having
not one
yet died on
that Side of the Water.
I liv'd without Aldgate about mid-way between Aldgate-Church
and White-Chappel-Bars, on the left Hand or North-side of the
Street; and
as the Distemper had not reach'd to that Side of the City, our
Neighbourhood continued very easy: But at the other End of the Town,
their Consternation was very great; and the richer sort of People,
especially the Nobility and Gentry, from the West-part of the City
throng'd out of Town, with their Families and Servants in an unusual
Manner; and this was more particularly seen in White-Chapel;
that is to
say, the Broad-street where I liv'd: Indeed nothing was to be seen but
Waggons and Carts, with Goods, Women, Servants, Children, &c.
Coaches fill'd with People of the better Sort, and Horsemen attending
them, and all hurrying away; then empty Waggons, and Carts appear'd,
and Spare-horses with Servants, who it was apparent were returning
or sent from the Countries to fetch more People: Besides innumerable
Numbers of Men on Horseback, some alone, others with Servants, and
generally speaking, all loaded with Baggage and fitted out for
travelling, as any one might perceive by their Appearance.
This was a very terrible and melancholy Thing to see, and as it was a
Sight which I cou'd not but look on from Morning to Night; for indeed
there was nothing else of Moment to be seen, it filled me with very
serious Thoughts of the Misery that was coming upon the City,
and the unhappy Condition of those that would be left in it.
This Hurry of the People was such for some Weeks, that there was no
getting at the Lord-Mayor's Door without exceeding Difficulty; there
was such pressing and crouding there to get passes and Certificates of
Health, for such as travelled abroad; for without these, there was no
being admitted to pass thro' the Towns upon tne Road,or to lodge in any
Inn: Now as there had none died in the City for all this time, My Lord
Mayor gave Certificates of Health without any Difficulty to all those
who liv'd in the 97 Parishes, and to those within the Liberties too for
a while.
This Hurry, I say, continued some Weeks, that is to sav, all the Month
of May and June, and the more because it was
rumour'd that an
order of the Government was to be issued out, to place Turn-pikes and
Barriers on the Road, to prevent Peoples travelling; and that the Towns
on the Road, would not suffer People from London to pass,
for fear
of bringing the Infection along with them, though neither of these
Rumours had any Foundation, but in the Imagination; especially at
first.
I now began to consider seriously with my Self, concerning my own
Case, and how I should dispose of my self; that is to say, whether I
should resolve to stay in London, or shut up my House and flee,
as many
of my Neighbours did. I have set this particular down so fully, because
I know not but it may be of Moment to those who come after me, if they
come to be brought to the same Distress, and to the same Manner of
making their Choice, and therefore I desire this Account may pass with
them, rather for a Direction to themselves to act by, than a History of
my actings, seeing it may not be of one Farthing value to them to note
what became of me.
I had two important things before me; the one was; the carrying on my
Business and Shop; which was considerable, and in which was
embark'd all my Effects in, the World; and the other was the
Preservation of my' Life in so dismal a Calamity, as I saw apparently
was coming upon the whole City; and which however great it was, my
Fears perhaps as well as other Peoples, represented to be much
greater than it could be.
The first Consideration was of great Moment to me; my Trade was a Sadler,
and as my Dealings were chiefly not by a Shop or
Chance Trade,
but among the Merchants, trading to the English Colonies
in America, so my Effects lay very much in the hands of such.
I was a
single Man 'tis true, but I had a Family of Servants, who I kept at my
Business, had a House, Shop, and Ware-houses fill'd with Goods; and
in short, to leave them all as things in such a Case must be left,
that is to say, without any Overseer or Person fit to be trusted with
them, had been to hazard the Loss not only of my Trade, but of my
Goods, and indeed of all I had in the World.
I had an Elder Brother at the same Time in London, and not many
Years
before come over from Portugal; and advising with him, his
Answer was
in three Words the same that was given in another Case quite
different, (viz.) Master save thy self. In a Word, he
was for
my
retiring into the Country, as he resolv'd to do himself with his
Family; telling me, what he had it seems, heard abroad, that the best
Preparation for the Plague was to run away from it. As to my Argument
of losing my Trade, my Goods, or Debts, he quite confuted me: He
told me the same thing, which I argued for my staying, (viz.) That
I
would trust God with my Safety and Health, was the strongest
Repulse to my Pretentions of losing my Trade and my Goods; for, says
he, is it not as reasonable that you
should trust God with the Chance or rsque of losing your Trade, as that
you should stay in so imminent a Point of Danger, and trust him with
your Life?
I could not argue that I was in any Strait, as to a Place where to go,
having several Friends and Relations in Northamptonshire,
whence our Family first came from; and
particularly,
I had an only Sister in Lincolnshire, very willing to receive
and
entertain me.
My Brother, who had already sent his Wife and two Children into Bedfordshire,
and resolv'd to follow them, press'd my
going very
earnestly; and I had once resolv'd to comply with his Desires, but
at that time could get no Horse; For tho' it is true, all the People
did not go out of the City of London; yet I may venture to say,
that in
a manner all the Horses did; for there was hardly a Horse to be bought
or hired in the whole City for some Weeks. Once I resolv'd to travel on
Foot with one Servant; and as many did, lie at no Inn, but carry a
Soldiers Tent with us, and so lie in the Fields, the Weather being very
warm, and no Danger from taking cold: I say, as many did, because
several did so at last, especially those who had been in the Armies in
the War which had not been many Years past; and I must needs say, that
speaking of second Causes, had most of the People that
travelled, done so, the Plague had not been carried into so many
Country-Towns and Houses, as it was, to the great Damage, and indeed to
the Ruin of abundance of People.
But then my Servant who I had intended to take down with me, deceiv'd
me; and being frighted at the Increase of the Distemper, and not
knowing when I should go, he took other Measures, and left me, so I was
put off for
that Time; and one way or other, I always found that to appoint to go
away was always cross'd by some Accident or other, so as to disappoint
and put it off again; and this brings in a Story which otherwise might
be thought a needless Digression, (viz,} about these Disappointments
being from Heaven.
I mention this Story also as the best Method I can advise any Person to
take in such a Case, especially, if he be one that makes Conscience of
his Duty, and would be directed what to do in it, namely, that he
should keep his Eye upon the particular Providences which occur at that
Time, and look upon them complexly, as they regard one another, and as
altogether regard the Question before him, and then I think, he
may safely take them for Intimations from Heaven of what is his
unquestion'd Duty to do in such a Case; I mean as to going away from,
or staying in the Place where we dwell, when visited with an infectious
Distemper.
It came very warmly into my Mind, one Morning, as I was musing on this
particular thing, that as nothing attended us without the Direction or
Permission of Divine Power, so these Disappointments must have
something in them extraordinary; and I ought to consider whether
it did not evidently point out, or intimate to me, that it was the Will
of Heaven I should not go. It immediately follow'd in my Thoughts, that
if it really was from God, that I should stay, he was able effectually
to preserve me in the midst of all the Death and Danger that would
surround me; and that if I attempted to secure my self by fleeing
from my Habitation, and acted contrary to these Intimations, which I
believed to be Divine, it was a kind of flying from God, and that he
could cause his Justice to overtake me when and where he thought fit.
These thoughts quite turn'd my Resolutions again, and when I came to
discourse with my Brother again I told him, that I enclin'd to stay and
take my Lot in that Station in which God had plac'd me; and that it
seem'd to be made more especially my Duty, on the Account of what I
have said.
My Brother, tho' a very Religious Man himself, laught at all I had
suggested about its being an Intimation from Heaven, and told me
several Stories of such fool-hardy People, as he call'd them,
as I
was; that I ought indeed to submit to it as a Work of Heaven, if I had
been any way disabled by Distempers or Diseases, and that then not
being able to go, I ought to acquiesce in the Direction of him, who
having been my Maker, had an undisputed Right of Soveraignty in
disposing of me; and that then there had been no Difficulty to
determine which was the Call of the Providence, and which was not:
But that I should take it as an Intimation from Heaven, that I should
not go out of Town, only because I could not hire a Horse to go, or my
Fellow was run away that was to attend me, was ridiculous, since at the
same Time I had my Health and Limbs, and other Servants, and
might, with Ease, travel a Day or two on foot, and having a good
Certificate of being in perfect Health, might either hire a Horse, or
take Post on the Road, as I thought fit.
Then he proceeded to tell me of the mischievous Consequences which
attended the Presumption of the Turks and Mahometans in
Asia and in
other Places, where he had been (for my Brother being a Merchant, was a
few Years before, as I have already observ'd, returned from abroad,
coming last from Lisbon) and how presuming upon their
profess'd predestinating Notions, and of every Man's End being
predetermin'd and unalterably before-hand decreed, they would go
unconcern'd into infected Places, and converse with infected Persons,
by which Means they died at the Rate of Ten or Fifteen Thousand a-Week,
whereas the Europeans, or Christian Merchants, who kept
themselves
retired and reserv'd, generally escaped the Contagion.
Upon these Arguments my Brother chang'd my Resolutions again, and
I began to resolve to go, and accordingly made all things ready;
for in short, the Infection increased round me, and the Bills were
risen to almost 700 a-Week, and my Brother told me, he would venture to
stay no longer. I desir'd him to let me consider of it but till the
next Day, and I would resolve; and as I had already prepar'd every
thing as well as I could, as to my Business, and who to entrust my
Affairs with, I had little to do but to resolve.
I went Home that Evening greatly oppress'd in my Mind, irresolute, and
not knowing what to do; I had set the Evening wholly apart to consider
seriously about it, and was all alone; for already People had, as it
were by a general Consent, taken up the Custom of not going out of
Doors after Sun-set, the Reasons I shall have Occasion to say more of
by-and-by.
In the Retirement of this Evening I endeavoured to resolve first, what
was my Duty to do, and I stated the Arguments with which my Brother had
press'd me to go into the Country, and I set against them the strong
Impressions which I had on my Mind for staying; the visible
Call I seem'd to have from the particular Circumstance of my
Calling, and the Care due from me for the preservation of my Effects,
which were, as I might say, my Estate; also
the Intimations which I thought I had from Heaven, that to me signify'd
a kind of Direction to venture, and it occurr'd to me, that if I had
what I might call a Direction to stay, I ought to suppose it con-tain'd
a Promise of being preserved, if I obey'd.
This lay close to me, and my Mind seemed more and more encouraged to
stay than ever, and supported with a secret Satisfaction, that I should
be kept: Add to this that turning over the Bible, which lay before me,
and while my Thoughts were more than ordinarily serious upon the
Question, I cry'd out, WELL, I know not what to do, Lord direct me!
and
the like; and that Juncture I happen'd to stop turning over the Book at
the 91st Psalm, and casting my Eye on the second Verse, I read
on to
the 7th Verse exclusive; and after that, included the 10th, as follows.
I will say of the Lord, He is my refuge, and my fortress, my
God, in
him will I trust. Surely he shall deliver thee from the snare of the
fowler, and from the noisom pestilence. He shall cover thee with his
feathers, and under his wings shah thou trust: his truth shall be thy
shield and buckler. Thou shalt not be afraid for the terror by night,
nor for the arrow that fiieth by day: Nor for the pestilence that
walketh in darkness: nor for the destruction that wasteth at noon-day.
A thousand shall fall at thy side, and ten thousand at thy right
hand: but it shall not come nigh thee. Only with thine Eyes shalt thou
behold and see the reward of the wicked. Because thou hast made the
Lord
which is my refuge, even the most High, thy habitation: There shall no
evil befal thee, neither shall any plague come nigh thy dwelling,
&c.
I scarce need tell the Reader, that from that Moment I resolv'd that I
would stay in the Town, and casting my self entirely upon the Goodness
and Protection of the Almighty, would not seek any other Shelter
whatever; and that as my
Times were in his Hands, he was as able to keep me in a Time of the
Infection as in a Time of Health; and if he did not think fit to
deliver me, still I was in his Hands, and it was meet he should do with
me as should seem good to him.
With this Resolution I went to Bed; and I was farther confirm'd in it
the next Day, by the Woman being taken ill with whom I had intended to
entrust my House and all my Affairs: But I had a farther Obligation
laid on me on the same Side; for the next Day I found my self very much
out of Order also; so that if I would have gone away, I could not, and
I continued ill three or four Days, and this intirely determin'd my
Stay; so I took my leave of my Brother, who went away to Dorking in
Surry, and afterwards fetch'd a Round farther into Buckinghamshire,
or Bedfordshire, to a Retreat he had found out there for his
Family.
It was a very ill Time to be sick in, for if any one complain'd, it
was immediately said he had the Plague; and tho' I had indeed no
Symptoms of that Distemper, yet being very ill, both in my Head and in
my Stomach, I was not without Apprehension, that I really was
infected; but in about three Days I grew better, the third Night I
rested well, sweated a little, and was much refresh'd; the
Apprehensions of its being the Infection went also quite away with my
Illness, and I went about my Business as usual.
These Things however put off all my Thoughts of going into the
Country; and my Brother also being gone, I had no more Debate either
with him, or with my self, on that Subject.
It was now mid-July, and the Plague which had chiefly rag'd at
the other End of the Town, and as I said before, in
the Parishes of St. Giles's, St. Andrews, Holbourn, and
towards Westminster, began now to come Eastward towards
the Part where I liv'd.
It was to be observ'd indeed, that it did not come strait on
towards us; for the City, that is to say within the Walls, was
indifferent healthy still; nor was it got then very much over the Water
into Southwark; for tho' there died that Week 1268 of all
Distempers,
whereof it might be suppos'd above 900 died of the Plague; yet there
was but 28 in the whole City, within the Walls; and but 19 in Southwark,
Lambeth Parish included; whereas in
the Parishes of St. Giles,
and St. Martins in the Fields alone, there died 421.
But we perceiv'd the Infection keept chiefly in the out-Parishes, which
being very populous, and fuller also of Poor, the Distemper found more
to prey upon than in the City, as I shall observe afterward; we
perceiv'd I say, the Distemper to draw our Way; (wz.) by the Parishes
of Clerken-Well, Cripplegate, Shoreditch, and Bishopsgate;
which last
two Parishes joining to Aldgate, White-Chapel and Stepney,
the
Infection came at length to spread its utmost Rage and violence in
those Parts, even when it abated, at the Western Parishes
where it
began.
It was very strange to observe, that in this particular Week, from the
4th to the 11 th of July, when, as I have observ'd, there died
near 400
of the Plague in the two Parishes of St. Martin s, and St. Giles
in the
Fields only, there died in the Parish of Aldgate but four,
in the
Parish of White-Chapel three, in the Parish of Stepney but
one.
Likewise in the next Week, from the 11th of July to the 18th,
when the
Week's Bill was 1761, yet there died no more of the Plague, on the
whole Southwark Side of the Water than sixteen.
But this Face of things soon changed, and it began to thicken in Cripplegate
Parish especially, and in Clerken-Well
so, that by the
second Week in August, Cripplegate Parish alone, buried eight
hundred
eighty six, and Clerken-Well 155; of the first, eight hundred
and fifty,
might well be reckoned to die of the Plague; and of the last, the Bill
it self said, 145 were of the Plague.
During the Month of July, and while, as I have observ'd, our
Part of
the Town seem'd to be spar'd, in Comparison of the West Part,
I went
ordinarily about the Streets, as my Business requir'd, and particularly
went generally, once in a Day, or in two Days, into the City, to my
Brother's House, which he had given me charge of, and to see if it was
safe; And having the Key in my Pocket, I used to go into the House, and
over most of the Rooms, to see that all was well; for tho' it be
something wonderful to tell, that any should have Hearts so
hardned, in the midst of such a Calamity, as to rob and steal; yet
certain it is, that all Sorts of Villanies, and even Levities and
Debaucheries were then practis'd in the Town, as openly as ever, I will
not say quite as frequently, because the Numbers of People were
many ways lessen'd.
But the City it self began now to be visited too, I mean within the
Walls; but the Number of People there were indeed extreamly lessen'd by
so great a Multitude having been gone into the Country; and even
all this Month of July they continu'd to flee, tho' not in
such
Multitudes as formerly. In August indeed, they fled in
such a
manner, that I began to think there would be really none but
Magistrates and Servants left in the City.
As they fled now out of the City, so I should observe, that the Court
removed early, (viz.') in the Month of June, and went to Oxford,
where it pleas'd God to preserve them;
and the Distemper did not, as I heard of, so much as touch
them; for
which I cannot say, that I ever saw they shew'd any great Token of
Thankfulness, and hardly any thing of Reformation, tho' they did not
want being told that their crying Vices might, without Breach of
Charity, be said to have gone far, in bringing that terrible Judgment
upon the whole Nation.
The Face of London was now indeed strangely alter'd, I mean the
whole
Mass of Buildings, City, Liberties, Suburbs, Westminster, Southwark,
and altogether; for as to the particular Part called the City,or within
the Walls, that was not yet much infected; but in the whole, the Face
of Things, I say, was much alter'd; Sorrow and Sadness sat upon every
Face; and tho' some Part were not yet overwhelm'd, yet all look'd
deeply concern'd; and as we saw it apparently coming on, so every one
look'd on himself, and his Family, as in the utmost Danger; were it
possible to represent those Times exactly to those that did not
see them, and give the Reader due Ideas of the Horror that every where
presented itself, it must make just Impressions upon their Minds,
and fill them with Surprize. London might well be said to be
all
in
Tears; the Mourners did not go about the Streets indeed, for no Body
put on black, or made a formal Dress of Mourning, for their
nearest Friends; but the Voice of Mourning was truly heard in the
Streets; the shriecks of Women and Children at the Windows, and Doors
of their Houses, where their dearest Relations were, perhaps
dying, or just dead, were so frequent to be heard, as we passed the
Streets, that it was enough to pierce the stoutest Heart in the World,
to hear them. Tears and Lamentations were seen almost in every House,
especially in the first Part of the Visitation; for towards the
latter End, Mens Hearts were hardned, and Death was so always before
their Eyes, that they did not so much concern themselves for the Loss
of their Friends, expecting, that themselves should be summoned
the next Hour.
Business led me out sometimes to the other End of the Town, even when
the Sickness was chiefly there; and as the thing was new to me, as well
as to every Body else, it was a most surprising thing, to see those
Streets, which were usually so thronged, now grown desolate, and so few
People to be seen in them, that if I had been a Stranger, and at a Loss
for my Way, I might sometimes have gone the Length of a whole
Street, I mean of the by-Streets, and see no Body to direct me, except
Watchmen, set at the Doors of such Houses as were shut up; of which I
shall speak presently.
One Day, being at that part of the Town, on some special Business,
Curiosity led me to observe things more than usually; and indeed I
walk'd a great Way where I had no Business; I went up Holbourn,
and
there the Street was full of People; but they walk'd in the middle of
the Street, neither on one Side or other, because, as I suppose,
they would not mingle with any Body that came out of Houses, or meet
with Smells and Scents from Houses that might be infected.
The Inns-of-Court were all shut up; nor were very many of the Lawyers
in the Temple, or Lincolns-Inn, or Greyes-Inn, to be
seen there. Every
Body was at peace, there was no Occasion for Lawyers; besides, it being
in the Time of the Vacation too, they were generally gone into the
Country. Whole rows of Houses in some Places, were shut close up; the
Inhabitants all fled, and only a
Watchman or two left.
When I speak of rows of Houses being shut up, I do not mean shut up by
the Magistrates; but that great Numbers of Persons followed the Court,
by the Necessity of their Employments, and other Dependencies: and
as others retir'd, really frighted with the Distemper, it was a mere
desolating of some of the Streets; But the Fright was not yet near so
great in the City, abstractly so called; and particularly because, tho'
they were at first in a most inexpressible Consternation, yet as I have
observ'd, that the Distemper intermitted often at first; so they were
as it were, allarm'd, and unallarm'd again, and this several times,
till it began to be familiar to them; and that even, when it appear'd
violent, yet seeing it did not presently spread into the City, or the East
and South Parts, the People began to take
Courage, and to be, as I
may say, a little hardned: It is true, a vast many People fled, as I
have observ'd, yet they were chiefly from the West.End of the
Town;
and from that we call the Heart of the City, that is to say, among the
wealthiest of the People; and such People as were unincumbred with
Trades and Business: But of the rest, the Generality stay'd,and seem'd
to abide the worst; So that in the Place we call the Liberties, and in
the Suburbs, in Southwark, and in the East Part, such
as Wapping, Ratclif, Stepney, Rotherhith, and the like,
the People
generally
stay'd, except here and there a few wealthy Families, who, as
above, did not depend upon their Business.
It must not be forgot here, that the City and Suburbs were prodigiously
full of People, at the time of this Visitation, I mean, at the
time that it began; for tho' I have liv'd to see a farther Encrease,
and mighty Throngs of People settling
in London, more than ever, yet we had always a Notion, that the
Numbers
of People, which the Wars being over, the Armies disbanded, and the
Royal Family and the Monarchy being restor'd, had flock'd to London,
to
settle in Business; or to depend upon, and attend the Court for Rewards
of Services, Preferments, and the like, was such, that the Town
was
computed to have in it above a hundred thousand people more than ever
it held before; nay, some took upon them to say, it had twice as many,
because all the ruin'd Families of the royal Party, flock'd hither: All
the old Soldiers set up Trades here, and abundance of Families settled
here; again, the Court brought with them a great Flux of Pride, and new
Fashions; All People were grown gay and luxurious; and the Joy of the
Restoration had brought a vast many Families to London.
I often thought, that as Jerusalem was besieg'd by the Romans,
when
the Jews were assembled together, to celebrate the Passover,
by which
means, an incredible Number of People were surpriz'd there, who would
otherwise have been in other Countries: So the Plague entred London,
when an incredible Increase of People had happened occasionally, by the
particular Circumstances above-nam'd: As this Conflux of the
People, to a youthful and gay Court, made a great Trade in the City,
especially in every thing that belong'd to Fashion and Finery; So it
drew by Consequence, a great Number of Work-men, Manufacturers, and the
like, being mostly poor People, who depended upon their Labour. And I
remember in particular, that in a Representation to my Lord Mayor, of
the Condition of the Poor, it was estimated, that, there were no
less than an Hundred Thousand Ribband Weavers in and about the City;
the chiefest Number of
whom, lived then in the Parishes of Shoreditch, Stepney,
White-chapel,
and Bishopsgate; that namely, about Spittle-fields;
that is to say, as Spittle-fields was then; for it was not so
large as now,
by one fifth
Part.
By this however, the Number of People in the whole may be judg'd of;
and indeed, I often wondred, that after the prodigious Numbers of
People that went away at first, there was yet so great a Multitude
left, as it appear'd there was.
But I must go back again to the Beginning of this Surprizing Time,
while the Fears of the People were young, they were encreas'd strangely
by several odd Accidents, which put altogether, it was realy a
wonder the whole Body of the People did not rise as one Man, and
abandon their Dwellings, leaving the Place as a Space of Ground
designed by Heaven for an Akeldama, doom'd to be destroy'd from the
Face of the Earth; and that all that would be found in it, would perish
with it. I shall Name but a few of these Things; but sure they were so
many, and so many Wizards and cunning People propagating them,
that I have often wonder'd there was any, (Women especially) left
behind.
In the first Place, a blazing Star or Comet appear'd for several Months
before the Plague, as there did the Year after another, a little before
the Fire; the old Women, and the Phlegmatic Hypocondriac Part of
the other Sex, who I could almost call old Women too, remark'd
(especially afterward tho' not, till both those Judgments were over,)
that those two Comets pass'd directly over the City, and that so very
near the Houses, that it was plain, they imported something peculiar to
the City alone; that the Comet before the Pestilence, was of a faint,
dull, languid Colour, and its Motion very heavy, solemn, and slow: But
that the Comet before the Fire, was bright and sparkling, or as others
said, flaming, and its Motion swift and furious; and that accordingly,
One foretold a heavy Judgment, slow but severe, terrible and frightful,
as was the Plague; but the other foretold a Stroak, sudden, swift, and
fiery as the Conflagration; nay, so particular some People were, that
as they look'd upon that Comet preceding the Fire, they fancied that
they not only saw it pass swiftly and fiercely, and cou'd perceive the
Motion with their Eye, but even they heard it; that it made a rushing
mighty Noise, fierce and terrible, tho' at a distance, and but
just perceivable.
I saw both these Stars; and I must confess, had so much of the common
Notion of such Things in my Head, that I was apt to look upon them, as
the Forerunners and Warnings of God's Judgments; and especially
when after the Plague had followed the first, I yet saw another of the
like kind; I could not but say, God had not yet sufficiently scourg'd
the City.
But I cou'd not at the same Time carry these Things to the heighth that
others did, knowing too, that natural Causes are assign'd by the
Astronomers for such Things; and that their Motions, and even their
Revolutions are calculated, or pretended to be calculated; so that they
cannot be so perfectly call'd the Fore-runners, or Foretellers,
much less the procurers of such Events, as Pestilence, War, Fire,
and the like.
But let my Thoughts, and the Thoughts of the Philosophers be, or
have been what they will, these Things had a more than ordinary
Influence upon the Minds of the common People, and they had almost
universal melancholly Apprehensions of some dreadful Calamity and
Judgment coming
upon the City; and this principally from the Sight of this Comet, and
the little Allarm that was given in December, by two People
dying at
St. Giles's, as above.
The Apprehensions of the People, were likewise strangely encreas'd by
the Error of the Times; in which, I think, the People, from what
Principle I cannot imagine, were more adicted to Prophesies, and
Astrological Conjurations, Dreams, and old Wives Tales, than ever
they were before or since: Whether this unhappy Temper was originally
raised by the Follies of some People who got Money by it; that is
to say, by printing Predictions, and Prognostications, I know not;
but certain it is, Books frighted them terribly; such as Lilly's
Almanack, Gadbury's Astrological Predictions; Poor Robin's
Almanack and the like; also several pretended religious Books; one
entituled, Come out of her my People, least you be partaker of
her
Plagues; another call'd, Fair Warning, another, Britain's
Remembrancer, and many such; all, or most Part of which, foretold
directly or covertly the Ruin of the City: Nay, some were so
Enthusiastically bold, as to run about the Streets, with their Oral
Predictions, pretending they were sent to preach to the City; and
One in particular, who like Jonah to Nineveh, cry'd in
the Streets, yet
forty Days, and L O N D O N shall be destroy'd. I will
not be
positive,
whether he said yet forty Days, or yet a few Days. Another run about
Naked, except a pair of Drawers about his Waste, crying Day and
Night; like a Man that Josephus mentions, who cry'd, woe to Jerusalem!
a little before the Destruction of that City: So this poor naked
Creature cry'd, O! the Great, and the Dreadful God! and said no
more,
but repeated those Words continually, with a Voice and Countenance full
of horror, a
swift Pace, and no Body cou'd ever find him to stop, or rest, or take
any Sustenance, at least, that ever I cou'd hear of. I met this poor
Creature several Times in the Streets, and would have spoke to him, but
he would not enter into Speech with me, or any one else; but held on
his dismal Cries continually.
These Things terrified the People to the last Degree; and especially
when two or three Times, as I have mentioned already, they found
one or two in the Bills, dead of the Plague at St. Giles.
Next to these publick Things, were the Dreams of old Women: Or, I
should say, the Interpretation of old Women upon other Peoples Dreams;
and these put abundance of People even out of their Wits: Some heard
Voices warning them to be gone, for that there would be such a Plague
in London, so that the Living would not be able to bury the
Dead:
Others saw Apparitions in the Air; and I must be allow'd to say of
both, I hope with out breach of Charity, that they heard Voices that
never spake, and saw Sights that never appear'd; but the
Imagination of the People was really turn'd wayward and possess'd:
And no Wonder, if they, who were poreing continually at the Clouds,
saw Shapes and Figures, Representations and Appearances, which had
nothing in them, but Air and Vapour. Here they told us, they saw a
Flaming-Sword held in a Hand, coming out of a Cloud, with a Point
hanging directly over the City. There they saw Herses, and Coffins in
the Air, carrying to be buried. And there again, Heaps of dead
Bodies lying un-buried, and the like; just as the Imagination of the
poor terrify'd People furnish'd them with Matter to work upon.
So Hypocondriac Fancy's represent
Skips, Armies, Battles, in the
Firmament;
Till steady Eyes, the Exhalations solve,
And all to its
first Matter, Cloud, resolve
I could fill this Account with the strange Relations, such People gave
every Day, of what they had seen; and every one was so positive of
their having seen, what they pretended to see, that there was no
contradicting them, without Breach of Friendship, or being accounted
rude and unmannerly on the one Hand, and prophane and impenetrable on
the other. One time before the Plague was begun, (otherwise than as I
have said in St. Giles's,) I think it was in March, seeing a
Crowd of
People in the Street, I join'd with them to satisfy my Curosity, and
found them all staring up into the Air, to see what a Woman told them
appeared plain to her, which was an Angel cloth'd in white, with a
fiery Sword in his Hand, waving it, or brandishing it over his Head.
She described every Part of the Figure to the Life; shew'd them
the Motion and the Form; and the poor People came into it so eagerly,
and with so much Readiness; YES, I see it all plainly, says
one. There's the Sword as plain as can be. Another saw the
Angel. One saw
his very Face, and cry'd out, What a glorious Creature he was! One saw
one thing, and one another. I look'd as earnestly as the rest, but,
perhaps, not with so much Willingness to be impos'd upon; and I said
indeed, that I could see nothing, but a white Cloud, bright on one
side, by the shining of the Sun upon the other Part. The Woman
endeavour'd to shew it me, but could not make me confess, that I saw
it, which, indeed, if I had, I must have lied: But the Woman turning
upon me, look'd in my Face, and fancied I laugh'd; in which her
Imagination deceiv'd her too; for I really
did not laugh, but was very seriously reflecting how the poor
People were terrify'd, by the Force of their own Imagination. However,
she turned from me, call'd me prophane Fellow, and a Scoffer; told me,
that it was a time of God's Anger, and dreadful Judgments were
approaching; and that Despisers, such as I, should wander and
perish.
The People about her seem'd disgusted as well as she; and I
found there
was no perswading them, that I did not laugh at them; and that I should
be rather mobb'd by them, than be able to undeceive them. So I left
them; and this Appearance pass'd for as real, as the Blazing Star
itself.
Another Encounter I had in the open Day also: And this was in going
thro' a narrow Passage from Petty-France into Bishopsgate Church
Yard,
by a Row of Alms-Houses; there are two Church Yards to Bishopsgate Church,
or Parish; one we go over to pass from the Place
call'd Petty-France into Bishopsgate Street, coming
out
just by the Church
Door, the other is on the side of the narrow Passage, where the
Alms-Houses are on the left; and a Dwarf wall with a Palisadoe on it,
on the right Hand; and the City Wall on the other Side, more to the
right.
In this narrow Passage stands a Man looking thro' between the
Palisadoe's into the Burying Place; and as many People as the
Narrowness of the Passage would admit to stop, without hindring the
Passage of others; and he was talking mighty eagerly to them,and
pointing now to one Place, then to another, and affirming, that he saw
a Ghost walking upon such a Grave Stone there; he describ'd the Shape,
the Posture, and the Movement of it so exactly, that it was the
greatest Matter of Amazement to him
in the World, that every Body did not see it as well as he. On a sudden
he would cry, There it is: Now it comes this Way: Then, 'Tis
turned
back; till at length he persuaded the People into so firm a Belief
of
it, that one fancied he saw it, and another fancied he saw it; and thus
he came every Day making a strange Hubbub, considering it was in
so narrow a Passage, till Bishopsgate Clock struck eleven; and
then the
Ghost would seem to start; and as if he were call'd away, disappear'd
on a sudden.
I look'd earnestly every way, and at the very Moment, that this Man
directed, but could not see the least Appearance of any thing; but
so positive was this poor man, that he gave the People the Vapours in
abundance, and sent them away trembling, and frighted; till at length,
few People, that knew of it, car'd to go thro' that Passage; and
hardly any Body by Night, on any Account whatever.
This Ghost, as the poor Man affirm'd, made Signs to the Houses, and to
the Ground, and to the People, plainly intimating, or else they so
understanding it, that Abundance of the People, should come to be
buried in that Church-Yard; as indeed happen'd: But that he saw such
Aspects, I must acknowledge, I never believ'd; nor could I see any
thing of it my self, tho' I look'd most earnestly to see it, if
possible.
These things serve to shew, how far the People were really overcome
with Delusions; and as they had a Notion of the Approach of a
Visitation, all their Predictions run upon a most dreadful Plague,
which should lay the whole City, and even the Kingdom waste; and should
destroy almost all the Nation, both Man and Beast.
To this, as I said before, the Astrologers added Stories of the
Conjunctions of Planets in a malignant Manner, and with a mischievous
Influence; one of which Conjunctions was to happen, and did
happen, in October; and the other in November; and they
filled the
Peoples Heads with Predictions on these Signs of the Heavens,
intimating, that those Conjunctions fortold Drought, Famine, and
Pestilence; in the two first of them however, they were entirely
mistaken, For we had no droughty Season, but in the beginning of
the Year, a hard Frost, which lasted from December almost to
March; and
after that moderate Weather, rather warm than hot, with refreshing
Winds, and in short, very seasonable Weather; and also several very
great Rains.
Some Endeavors were used to suppress the Printing of such Books as
terrify'd the People, and to frighten the dispersers of them, some of
whom were taken up, but nothing was done in it, as I am inform'd; The
Government being unwilling to exasperate the People, who were, as I may
say, all out of their Wits already.
Neither can I acquit those Ministers, that in their Sermons, rather
sunk, than lifted up the Hearts of their Hearers; many of them no doubt
did it for the strengthning the Resolution of the People; and
especially for quickning them to Repentance; but it certainly answer'd
not their End, at least not in Proportion to the injury it did another
Way; and indeed, as God himself thro' the whole Scriptures, rather
draws to him by Invitations, and calls to turn to him and live, than
drives us by Terror and Amazement; So I must confess, I thought
the Ministers should have done also, imitating our blessed Lord and
Master in this, that his whole Gospel, is full of Declarations from
Heaven of Gods Mercy, and his readiness to receive Penitents, and
forgive them; complaining, ye
will not come unto me, that ye may have Life; and that therefore,
his
Gospel is called the Gospel of Peace, and the Gospel of Grace.
But we had some good Men, and that of all Persuasions and
Opinions, whose Discourses were full of Terror; who spoke nothing
but dismal Things; and as they brought the People together with a kind
of Horror, sent them away in Tears, prophesying nothing but evil
Tidings; terrifying the People with the Apprehensions of being
utterly destroy'd, not guiding them, at least not enough, to Cry to
Heaven for Mercy.
It was indeed, a Time of very unhappy Breaches among us in matters of
Religion: Innumerable Sects, and Divisions, and seperate Opinions
prevail'd among the People; the Church of England was restor'd
indeed
with the Restoration of the Monarchy, about four Year before; but the
Ministers and Preachers of the Presbyterians, and Independants,
and of all the other Sorts of Professions, had begun to gather seperate
Societies, and erect Altar against Altar, and all those had their
Meetings for Worship apart,as they have [now] but not so many
then,
the Dissenters being not thorowly form'd into a Body as they are since,
and those Congregations which were thus gather'd together, were yet but
few; and even those that were, the Government did not allow, but
endeavour'd to suppress them, and shut up their Meetings.
But the Visitation reconcil'd them again, at least for a Time, and many
of the best and most valuable Ministers and Preachers of the
Dissenters, were suffer'd to go into the Churches, where the Incumbents
were fled away, as many were, not being able to stand it; and the
People flockt without Distinction to hear them preach, not much
inquiring who or what Opinion they were of: But after the
Sickness was over, that Spirit of Charity abated, and every Church
being again supply'd with their own Ministers, or others presented,
where the Minister was dead, Things return'd to their old Channel again.
One Mischief always introduces another: These Terrors and
Apprehensions of the People, led them into a Thousand weak, foolish,
and wicked Things, which, they wanted not a Sort of People really
wicked, to encourage them to; and this was running about to
Fortune-tellers, Cunning-men, and Astrologers, to know their
Fortune, or, as 'tis vulgarly express'd, to have their Fortunes told
them, their Nativities calculated, and the like; and this Folly,
presently made the Town swarm with a wicked Generation of Pretenders to
Magick, to the Black Art, as they call'd it, and I know not
what; Nay, to
a Thousand worse Dealings with the Devil, than they were really guilty
of; and this Trade grew so open, and so generally practised, that it
became common to have Signs and Inscriptions set up at Doors; here
lives a Fortune-teller; here lives an Astrologer; here you may have
your Nativity calculated, and the like; and Fryar Bacon's
Brazen-Head,
which was the usual Sign of these Peoples Dwellings,was to be seen
almost in every Street, or else the Sign of Mother Shipton, or
of Merlin's Head, and the like.
With what blind, absurd and ridiculous Stuff, these Oracles of the
Devil pleas'd and satisfy'd the People, I really know not; but certain
it is, that innumerable Attendants crouded about their Doors every
Day; and if but a grave Fellow in a Velvet Jacket, a Band, and a black
Cloak, which was the Habit those Quack Conjurers generally went in, was
but seen in the Streets, the People would
follow them in Crowds, and ask them Questions, as they went along.
I need not mention, what a horrid Delusion this was, or what it tended
to; but there was no Remedy for it, till the Plague it self put an End
to it all; and I suppose, clear'd the Town of most of those Calculators
themselves. One Mischief was, that if the poor People ask'd these
mock Astrologers, whether there would be a Plague or no? they all
agreed in the general to answer, Yes, for that kept up their
Trade; and
had the People not been kept in a Fright about that, the Wizards would
presently have been rendred useless, and their Craft had been at
an end: But they always talked to them of such and such Influences of
the Stars, of the Conjunctions of such and such Planets, which must
necessarily bring Sickness and Distempers, and consequently the Plague:
And some had the Assurance to tell them, the Plague was begun already,
which was too true, tho' they that said so, knew nothing of the Matter.
The Ministers, to do them Justice, and Preachers of most Sorts, that
were serious and understanding Persons, thundred against these, and
other wicked Practises, and exposed the Folly as well as the Wickedness
of them together; And the most sober and judicious People
despis'd and abhor'd them; But it was impossible to make any
Impression upon the midling People, and the working labouring
Poor; their Fears were predominant over all their Passions; and they
threw away their Money in a most distracted Manner upon those Whymsies.
Maid-Servants especially and Men-Servants, were the chief of their
Customers; and their Question generally was, after the first demand of,
Will there be a Plague? I say, the next Question was, Oh,
Sir! For the Lord's Sake, what will become of
me? Will my Mistress keep me, or will she turn me of? Will she stay
here, or will she go into the Country? And if she goes into the
Country, will she take me with her, or leave me here to be starvd and
undone? And the like of Men-Servants.
The Truth is, the Case of poor Servants was very dismal,as I shall
have occasion to mention again by and by; for it was apparent,a
prodigious Number of them would be turn'd away, and it was so; and of
them abundance perished; and particularly of those that these false
Prophets had flattered with Hopes, that they should be
continued in their Services, and carried with their Masters and
Mistresses into the Country; and had not publick Charity provided for
these poor Creatures, whose Number was exceeding great, and in all
Cases of this Nature must be so, they would have been in the worst
Condition of any People in the City.
These Things agitated the Minds of the common People for many Months,
while the first Apprehensions were upon them; and while the Plague was
not, as I may say, yet broken out: But I must also not forget, that the
more serious Part of the Inhabitants behav'd after another Manner:
The Government encouraged their Devotion,and appointed Publick
prayers, and Days of fasting and Humiliation, to make publick
Confession of Sin, and implore the Mercy of God, to avert the dreadful
Judgment, which hung over their Heads; and it is not to be express'd
with what Alacrity the People of all persuasions embraced the
Occasion; how they flock'd to the Churches and Meetings, and they were
all so throng'd, that there was often no coming near, no, not to the
very Doors of the largest Churches; Also there were daily Prayers
appointed Morning and Evening at several Churches, and Days of
private praying at other Places; at all which the People attended, I
say, with an uncommon Devotion: Several private Families also, as
well of one Opinion as of another, kept Family Fasts, to which they
admitted their near Relations only: So that in a Word, those People,
who were really serious and religious, apply'd themselves in a
truly Christian Manner, to the proper Work of Repentance and
Humiliation, as a Christian People ought to do.
Again, the publick shew'd, that they would bear their Share in these
Things; the very Court, which was then Gay and Luxurious, put on a Face
of just Concern, for the publick Danger: All the Plays and Interludes,
which after the Manner of the French Court, had been set up,
and began
to encrease among us, were forbid to Act; the gaming Tables, publick
dancing Rooms, and Music Houses, which multiply'd, and began to debauch
the Manners of the People, were shut up and suppress'd; and the
Jack-puddings, Merry-andrews, Puppet-shows, Rope-dancers, and such like
doings, which,had bewit-ch'd the poor common People, shut up their
Shops, finding indeed no Trade; for the Minds of the People were
agitated with other Things; and a kind of Sadness and Horror at these
Things, sat upon the Countenances, even of the common People; Death was
before their Eyes, and every Body began to think of their Graves, not
of Mirth and Diversions.
But even those wholesome Reflections, which rightly manag'd, would have
most happily led the People to fall upon their Knees, make Confession
of their Sins, and look up to their merciful Saviour for Pardon,
imploreing his Compassion on them, in such a Time of their Distress; by
which, we might have been as a second Nineveh, had a quite
contrary Extreme in the common People; who ignorant and stupid in their
Reflections, as they were brutishly wicked and thoughtless before, were
now led by their Fright to extremes of folly; and as I have said
before, that they ran to Conjurers and Witches, and all Sorts of
Deceivers, to know what should become of them; who fed their Fears, and
kept them always alarm'd, and awake, on purpose to delude them, and
pick their Pockets: So, they were as mad, upon their running after
Quacks, and Mountebanks, and every practising old Woman, for Medicines
and Remedies; storeing themselves with such Multitudes of Pills,
Potions, and Preservatives, as they were call'd; that they not
only spent their Money, but even poison'd themselves before-hand, for
fear of the Poison of the Infection, and prepar'd their Bodies for the
Plague, instead of preserving them against it. On the other Hand, it is
incredible, and scarce to be imagin'd, how the Posts of Houses, and
Corners of Streets were plaster'd over with Doctors Bills, and Papers
of ignorant Fellows ; quacking and tampering in Physick, and inviting
the People to come to them for Remedies; which was generally set off
with such flourishes as these, (viz.) INFALLIBLE preventive
Pills
against the Plague. NEVER-FAILING Preservatives against the Infection.
SOVERAIGN Cordials against the Corruption of the Air. EXACT Regulations
for the Conduct of the Body, in case of an Infection: Antipestil-ential
Pills. INCOMPARABLE Drink against the Plague, never found out before.
An UNIVERSAL Remedy for the Plague. The ONLY-TRUE Plague-Water. The
ROYAL-ANTIDOTE against all Kinds of Infection; and such a Number more
that I cannot reckon up; and if I
could, would fill a Book of themselves to set them down.
Others set up Bills, to summons People to their Lodgings for Directions
and Advice in the Case of Infection: These had spacious Titles
also, such as these.
An eminent High-Dutch Physician, newly
come over from Holland, where he
resided during all the Time of the great Plague, last Year, in
Amsterdam; and cured multitudes of People, that actually had the
Plague
upon them.
An Italian Gentlewoman, just arrived from
Naples, having a choice
Secret to prevent Infection, which she found out by her great
Experience, and did wonderful Cures with it in the late Plague there;
wherein there died 20000 in one Day.
An antient Gentlewoman having practised, with great Success,
in the
late Plague in this City, Anno 1636, gives her advice only to
the
Female Sex. To be spoke with, &c.
An experienced Physician, who has long studied the Doctrine of
Antidotes against all sorts of Poison and Infection, has after 40
Years Practise, arrived to such Skill, as may, with God's Blessing,
direct Persons how to prevent their being touch'd by any
Contagious Distemper whatsoever. He directs the Poor gratis.
I take notice of these by way of Specimen: I could give you two or
three Dozen of the like, and yet have abundance left behind. 'Tis
sufficient from these to apprise any one,of the Humour of those
Times; and how a Set of Thieves and Pick-pockets, not only robb'd
and cheated the poor People of their Money, but poisoned their Bodies
with
odious and fatal preparations; some with Mercury, and some with other
things as bad, perfectly remote from the Thing pretended to; and
rather hurtful than servicable to the Body in case an Infection
followed.
I cannot omit a Subtilty of one of those Quack-operators, with which
he gull'd the poor People to croud about him, but did nothing for them
without Money. He had it seems, added to his Bills, which he gave about
the Streets, this Advertisement in Capital Letters, (viz.) He
gives
Advice to the Poor for nothing.
Abundance of poor People came to him accordingly, to whom he made a
great many fine Speeches; examin'd them of the State of their Health,
and of the Constitution of their Bodies, and told them many good
things for them to do, which were of no great Moment: But the Issue and
Conclusion of all was, that he had a preparation, which if they
took such a Quantity of, every Morning, he would pawn his Life,
they should never have the Plague, no, tho' they lived in the House
with People that were infected: This made the People all resolve to
have it; But then the Price of that was so much, I think 'twas
half-a-Crown: But, Sir, says one poor Woman, I am a poor Alms-Woman,
and am kept by the Parish, and your Bills say, you give the Poor your
help for nothing. Ay, good Woman, says the Doctor, so I do, as I
publish'd there. I give my Advice to the Poor for nothing; but not
my Physick. Alas, Sir! says she, that is a Snare laid for the Poor
then; for you give them your Advice for nothing, that is to say,
you advise them gratis, to buy your Physick for their Money; so does
every Shop-keeper with hisWares. Here the Woman began to give him ill
Words,
and stood at his Door all that Day, telling her Tale to all the People
that came, till the Doctor finding she turn'd away his Customers;
was oblig'd to call her up Stairs again, and give her his Box of
Physick for nothing, which, perhaps too was good for nothing when
she
had it.
But to return to the people, whose Confusions fitted them to be impos'd
upon by all Sorts of Pretenders, and by every Mountebank. There is no
doubt, but these quacking Sort of Fellows rais'd great gains out of the
miserable People; for we daily found, the Crouds that ran after them
were infinitely greater, and their Doors were more thronged than those
of Dr. Brooks, Dr. Upton, Dr. Hodges, Dr. Berwick,
or any, tho' the
most famous Men of the Time: And I was told, that some of them got five
Pound a Day by their Physick.
But there was still another Madness beyond all this, which may serve to
give an Idea of the distracted humour of the poor People at that
Time; and this was their following a worse Sort of Deceivers than any
of these; for these petty Thieves only deluded them to pick their
Pockets, and get their Money; in which their Wickedness, whatever
it was, lay chiefly on the Side of the Deceiver's deceiving,
not
upon the Deceived: But in this Part I am going to mention, it lay
chiefly in the People deceiv'd, or equally in both; and this was in
wearing Charms, Philters, Exorcisms, Amulets, and I know not what
Preparations,to fortify the Body with them against the Plague; as if
the Plague was not the Hand of God, but a kind of a Possession of an
evil Spirit; and that it was to be kept off with Crossings, Signs of
the Zodiac, Papers tied up with so many Knots, and certain Words or
Figures written
on them, as particularly the Word Abracadabra, form'd in Triangle, or
Pyramid thus:
ABRACADABRA
ABRACADABR
ABRACADAB
ABRACADA
ABRACAD
ABRACA
ABRAC
ABRA
ABR
AB
A |
Others had the Jesuits
Mark in a Cross.
I H
S
Others nothing but this
Mark thus:
+
|
I might spend a great deal of Time in my Exclamations against the
Follies, and indeed Wickedness of those things, in a Time of such
Danger, in a matter of such Consequences as this, of a National
Infection, But my Memorandums of these things relate rather to take
notice only of the Fact, and mention that it was so: How the poor
People found the Insufficiency of those things, and how many of them
were afterwards carried away in the Dead-Carts, and thrown into the
common Graves of every Parish, with these hellish Charms and Trumpery
hanging about their Necks, remains to be spoken of as we go along.
All this was the Effect of the Hurry the People were in, after the
first Notion of the Plague being at hand was among them. And which may
be said to be from about Michaelmas 1664, but more
particularly after
the two Men died in St. Giles's, in the Beginning of December.
And again, after
another Alarm in February; for when the Plague evidently spread
it
self, they soon began to see the Folly of trusting to those
unperforming Creatures who had Gull'd them of their Money, and then
their Fears work'd another way, namely, to Amazement and Stupidity, not
knowing what Course to take, or what to do either to help or relieve
themselves; but they ran about from one Neighbour's House to another;
and even in the Streets, from one Door to another with repeated Cries,
of, Lord have Mercy upon us, what shall we do?
Indeed, the poor People were to be pity'd in one particular Thing,
in which they had little or no Relief, and which I Desire to mention
with a serious Awe and Reflection; which perhaps, every one that
reads this, may not relish: Namely, that whereas Death now began not, as
we may say, to hover over every one's Head only, but to
look into
their Houses, and Chambers, and stare in their Faces: Tho' there might
be some stupidity, and dullness of the Mind, and there was so, a great
deal; yet, there was a great deal of just Alarm, sounded into the very
inmost Soul, if I may so say of others: Many Consciences
were
awakened; many hard Hearts melted into Tears; many a penitent
Confession was made of Crimes long concealed: would wound the Souls of
any Christian, to have heard the dying Groans of many a
despairing Creature,and none durst come near to comfort them: Many
a Robbery, many a Murder, was then confest aloud, and no Body surviving
to Record the Accounts of it. People might be heard even into the
Streets as we pass'd along, calling upon God for Mercy, thro' Jesus
Christ, and saying, I have been a Thief, I have been an
Adulterer, I have been a Murderer, and the like; and none durst stop to
make the least Inquiry into such Things, or to administer Comfort to
the poor Creatures, that in the Anguish both of Soul and Body thus
cry'd out. Some of the Ministers did Visit the Sick at first, and for a
little while, but it was not to be done; it would have been present
Death, to have gone into some Houses: The very buryers of the Dead, who
were the hardnedest Creatures in Town, were sometimes beaten back, and
so terrify'd, that they durst not go into Houses, where the whole
Families were swept away together, and where the Circumstances were
more particularly horrible as some were; but this was indeed, at the
first Heat of the Distemper.
Time enur'd them to it all; and they ventured every where afterwards,
without Hesitation, as I [shall have] Occasion to mention at large
hereafter.
I am supposing now, the Plague to be begun, as I have said, and that
the Magistrates begun to take the Condition of the People, into their
serious Consideration; what they did as to the Regulation of the
Inhabitants, and of infected Families, I shall speak to by it self;
but as to the Affair of Health, it is proper to mention it here, that
having seen the foolish Humour of the People, in running after Quacks,
and Mountebanks, Wizards, and Fortune-tellers, which they did as above,
even to Madness, the Lord Mayor, a very sober and religious Gentleman
appointed Physicians and Surgeons for Relief of the poor; I mean,
the diseased poor; and in particular, order'd the College of
Physicians to publish Directions for cheap Remedies, for the Poor,
in all the Circumstances of the Distemper. This indeed was one of
the most charitable and judicious Things that could be done at that
Time; for this drove the People from haunting the Doors of every
Disperser of Bills; and
from taking down blindly, and without Consideration, Poison for
Physick, and
Death instead of Life.
This Direction of the Physicians was done by a Consultation of the
whole College, and as it was particularly calculated for the use of the
Poor, and for cheap Medicines it was made publick, so that every
Body might see if and Copies were given gratis to all that
desired it:
But as it is publick, and to be seen on all Occasions, I need not give
the Reader of this, the Trouble of it.
I shall not be supposed to lessen the Authority or Capacity of the
Physicians, when, I say, that the Violence of the Distemper, when
it came to its Extremity, was like the Fire the next Year; The Fire
which consumed what the Plague could not touch, defy'd all the
Application of Remedies; the Fire Engines were broken, the Buckets
thrown away; and the Power of Man was baffled, and brought to an End;
so the Plague defied all Medicines; the very Physicians were seized
with it, with their Preservatives in their Mouths; and Men went about
prescribing to others and telling them what to do, till the Tokens were
upon them, and they dropt down dead, destroyed by that very Enemy, they
directed others to oppose. This was the Case of several
Physicians, even some of them the most eminent; and of several of
the most skilful Surgeons; Abundance of Quacks too died, who had the
Folly to trust to their own Medicines, which they must needs be
conscious to themselves, were good for nothing; and who rather
ought, like other Sorts of Thieves, to have run away, sensible of their
Guilt, from the Justice that they could not but expect
should punish them, as they knew they had deserved.
Not that it is any Derogation from the Labour, or Application of the
Physicians, to say, they fell in the common Calamity; nor is it so
intended by me; it rather is to their Praise, that they ventured their
Lives so far as even to lose them in the Service of Mankind; They
endeavoured to do good, and to save the Lives of others; But we
were not to expect, that the Physicians could stop God's Judgments, or
prevent a Distemper eminently armed from Heaven, from executing
the Errand it was sent about.
Doubtless, the Physicians assisted many by their Skill, and by their
Prudence and Applications, to the saving of their Lives, and restoring
their Health: But it is no lessening their Character, or their Skill,
to say, they could not cure those that had the Tokens upon them, or
those who were mortally infected before the Physicians were sent for,
as was frequently the Case.
It remains to mention now what publick Measures were taken by the
Magistrates for the general Safety, and to prevent the spreading of the
Distemper, when it first broke out: I shall have frequent Occasion to
speak of the Prudence of the Magistrates, their Charity, the
Vigilance for the Poor, and for preserving good Order; furnishing
Provisions, and the like, when the Plague was encreased, as it
afterwards was. But I am now upon the Order and Regulations they
published for the Government of infected Families.
I mention'd above shutting of Houses up; and it is needful to say
something particularly to that; for this Part of the History of the
Plague is very melancholy; but the most
grievous Story must be told.
About June the Lord Mayor of London, and the Court of Aldermen,
as I
have said, began more particularly to concern themselves for the
Regulation of the City.
The Justices of Peace for Middlesex, by Direction of the
Secretary of
State, had begun to shut up Houses in the Parishes of St. Giles's,
in
the Fields, St. Martins, St. Clement Danes, &c.
and it was with
good Success; for in several Streets, where the Plague broke out, upon
strict guarding the Houses that were infected, and taking Care to bury
those that died, immediately after they were known to be dead, the
Plague ceased in those Streets. It was also observ'd, that the Plague
decreas'd sooner in those Parishes, after they, had been visited to the
full, than it did in the Parishes of Bishopsgate, Shoreditch,
Aldgate, White-Chappel, Stepney, and
others, the early Care taken in
that Manner, being a great means to the putting a Cheque to it.
This shutting up of Houses was a method first taken, as I understand,
in the Plague, which happened in 1603, at the Coming of King James the
First to the Crown, and the Power of shutting People up in their own
Houses, was granted by Act of Parliament, entitled, An Act for the
charitable Relief and Ordering of Persons infected 'with the Plague.
On
which Act of Parliament, the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the City of London,
founded the Order they made at this Time, and
which took Place
the 1st of July 1665, when the Numbers infected within the
City, were
but few, the last Bill for the 92 Parishes being but four; and some
Houses having been shut up in the City, and some sick People being
removed to the Pest-House beyond Bunhill-Fields, in the Way to Islington;
I say,
by these Means, when there died near one thousand a Week in the Whole,
the Number in the City was but 28, and the City was preserv'd more
healthy in Proportion, than any other Places all the Time of the
Infection.
These Orders of my Lord Mayor's were publish'd, as I have said, the
latter End of June, and took Place from the first of July,
and were as
follows, (viz.)
_________________________________________________
ORDERS Conceived and Published by the Lord MAYOR
and Aldermen of the
City of London, concerning the Infection of the
Plague. 1665.
WHEREAS in the Reign of our late
Sovereign King James, of happy Memory,
an Act was made for the charitable Relief and ordering of Persons
infected with the Plague; whereby Authority was given to Justices
of the Peace, Mayors, Bayliffs, and other head Officers, to appoint
within their several Limits, Examiners, Searchers, Watchmen,
Keepers, and Buriers for the Persons and Places infected, and to
minister unto them Oaths for the Performance of their Offices.And the
same Statute did also authorize the giving of other Directions, as
unto them for the present Necessity should seem good in their
Discretions. It is now upon special Consideration, thought very
expedient for preventing and avoiding of Infection of Sickness (if it
shall so please Almighty God) that these Officers following be
appointed, and these Orders hereafter duly observed.
Examiners to be appointed in every Parish.
FIRST, It is thought requisite,
and so ordered, that in every Parish
there be one, two,or more Persons of good Sort and Credit,chosen and
appointed by the Alderman, his Deputy, and common-Council of every
Ward, by the Name of Examiners, to continue in that Office the Space of
two Months at least: And if any fit Person so appointed, shall refuse
to undertake the same, the said Parties so refusing, to be committed to
Prison until they shall conform themselves accordingly.
The Examiners Office.
THAT these Examiners be sworn by
the Aldermen, to enquire and learn from
time to time what Houses in every Parish be Visited, and what Persons
be Sick, and of what Diseases, as near as they can inform
themselves; and upon doubt in that Case, to command Restraint
of Access, until it appear what the Disease shall prove: And if they
find any Person sick of the Infection, to give order to the Constable
that the House be shut up; and if the Constable shall be found Remiss
or Negligent, to give present Notice thereof to the Alderman of the
Ward.
Watchmen.
THAT to every infected House
there be appointed two Watchmen,
one for every Day, and the other for the Night: And that these Watchmen
have a special care that no Person go in or out of such infected
Houses, whereof they have the Charge, upon pain of severe
Punishment.And the said Watchmen to do such further Offices as the sick
House shall need and require: and if the Watchman
be sent upon any Business, to lock up the House, and take the Key with
him: And the Watchman by Day to attend until ten of the Clock at Night:
And the Watchman by Night untill six in the Morning.
Searchers.
THAT there be a special care to
appoint Women-Searchers in every Parish,
such as are of honest Reputation, and of the best Sort as can be
got in this kind: And these to be sworn to make due Search, and true
Report to the utmost of their Knowledge, whether the Persons whose
Bodies they are appointed to Search, do die of the Infection, or of
what other Diseases, as near as they can. And that the Physicians who
shall be appointed for Cure and Prevention of the Infection, do
call before them the said Searchers, who are, or shall be appointed for
the several Parishes under their respective Cares; to the end they may
consider, whether they are fitly qualified for that Employment; and
charge them from time to time as they shall see Cause, if they appear
defective in their Duties.
That no Searcher during this time of Visitation, be permitted to use
any publick Work or Employment, or keep any Shop or Stall, or be
employed as a Landress, or in any other common Employment whatsoever.
Chirurgeons.
FOR better assistance of the
Searchers, for as much as there hath been
heretofore great abuse in misre-porting the Disease, to the further
spreading of the Infection: It is therefore ordered, that there be
chosen and appointed able and discreet Chirurgeons, besides those that
do already
belong to the Pest-House: Amongst whom the City and Liberties
to be
quartered as the places lie most apt and convenient; and every of these
to have one Quarter for his Limit: and the said Chirurgeons in
every of their Limits to join with the Searchers for the View of the
Body, to the end there may be a true Report made of the Disease.
And further, that the said Chirurgeons shall visit and search such like
Persons as shall either send for them, or be named and directed unto
them, by the Examiners of every Parish, and inform themselves of the
Disease of the said Parties.
And forasmuch as the said Chirurgeons are to be se-questred from all
other Cures, and kept only to this Disease of the Infection; It is
order'd, That every of the said Chirurgeons shall have Twelvepence a
Body searched by them, to be paid out of the Goods of the Party
searched, if he be able, or otherwise by the Parish.
Nurse-keepers.
IF any Nurse-keeper shall remove
her self out of any infected House
before twenty eight Days after the Decease of any Person dying of the
Infection, the House to which the said Nurse-keeper doth so remove
herself, shall be shut up until the said twenty eight Days be
expired.
_________________________________________________
.
ORDERS concerning infected
Houses, and Persons sick of the Plague.
Notice to be given of the Sickness.
THE Master of every House, as
soon as any one in his House complaineth,
either of Botch, or Purple, or Swelling in any part of his Body, or
falleth otherwise dangerously Sick, without apparent Cause of some
other Disease, shall give knowledge thereof to the Examiner of
Health, within two Hours after the said Sign shall appear.
Sequestration of the Sick.
AS soon as any Man shall be
found by this Examiner, Chirurgeon or
Searcher to be sick of the Plague, he shall the same Night be
sequestred, in the same House, and in case he be so sequestred, then,
though he afterwards die not, the House wherein he sickned, should be
shut up for a Month, after the use of the due Preservatives taken
by the rest.
Airing the Stuff.
FOR Sequestration of the Goods
and Stuff of the Infection, their
Bedding, and Apparel, and Hangings of Chambers, must be well aired with
Fire, and such Perfumes as are requisite within the infected House,
before they be taken again to use: This to be done by the
Appointment of the Examiner.
Shutting up of the House.
IF any Person shall have visited
any Man, known to be infected of the
Plague, or entred willingly into any known infected House, being not
allowed: The House wherein he inhabiteth, shall be shut up for certain
Days by the
Examiners Direction.
None to be removed out of infested Houses,
but, &c.
ITEM,That none be remov'd out of
the House where he falleth sick of the
Infection, into any other House in the City, (except it be to the Pest-House
or a Tent, or unto some such House, which the
Owner of the
said visited House holdeth in his own Hands, and occupieth by his own
Servants) and so as Security be given to the Parish, whither such
Remove is made; that the Attendance and Charge about the said
visited Persons shall be observed and charged in all the
Particularities before expressed, without any Cost of that Parish,
to which any such Remove shall happen to be made, and this Remove to be
done by Night: And it shall be lawful to any Person that hath two
Houses, to remove either his sound or his infected People to his spare
House at his choice, so as if he send away first his Sound, he not
after send thither the Sick, nor again unto the Sick the Sound. And
that the same which he sendeth, be for one Week at the least shut up,
and secluded from Company, for fear of some Infection, at the first not
appearing.
Burial of the Dead.
THAT the Burial of the Dead by
this Visitation, be at most convenient
Hours, always either before Sun-rising, or after Sun-setting, with the
Privity of the Church-wardens or Constable, and not otherwise; and that
no Neighbours nor Friends be suffered to accompany the Corps to
Church, or to enter the House visited, upon pain of having his House
shut up, or be imprisoned.
And that no Corps dying of Infection shall be buried, or remain in any
Church in time of Common-Prayer, Sermon, or Lecture. And that no
Children be suffered at time of burial of any Corps in any Church,
Churchyard, or Burying-place to come near the Corps, Coffin, or
Grave. And that all the Graves shall be at least six Foot deep.
And further, all publick Assemblies at other Burials are to be forborn
during the Continuance of this Visitation.
No infected Stuff to be uttered.
THAT no Clothes, Stuff, Bedding,
or Garments be suffered to be carried
or conveyed out of any infected Houses, and that the Criers and
Carriers abroad of Bedding or old Apparel to be sold or pawned, be
utterly prohibited and restrained, and no Brokers of Bedding
or old Apparel be permitted to make any outward Shew, or hang forth on
their Stalls, Shopboards or Windows towards any Street, Lane,
Common-way or Passage, any old Bedding or Apparel to be sold, upon
pain of Imprisonment. And if any Broker or other Person shall buy any
Bedding, Apparel, or other Stuff out of any infected House, within two
Months after the Infection hath been there,his House shall be shut
up as Infected, and so shall continue shut up twenty Days at the
least.
No Person to be conveyed out of any
infected House.
IF any Person visited do fortune
by negligent looking unto, or by any
other Means, to come, or be conveyed from a Place infected, to any
other Place; the Parish from whence such Party hath come or been
conveyed, upon notice thereof given, shall at their Charge cause the
said Party
so visited and escaped, to be carried and brought back again by
Night,and the Parties in this case offending, to be punished at the
Direction of the Alderman of the Ward; and the House of the
Receiver of such visited Person, to be shut up for twenty Days.
Every visited House to be marked.
THAT every House visited, be
marked with a red Cross of a Foot long, in
the middle of the Door, evident to be seen, and with these usual
printed Words, that is to say, Lord have Mercy upon us, to be
set close
over the same Cross, there to continue until lawful opening of the
same House.
Every visited House to be watched.
THAT the Constables see every
House shut up, and to be attended with
Watchmen, which may keep them in, and minister Necessaries unto them at
their own Charges (if they be able,) or at the common Charge, if they
be unable: The shutting up to be for the space of four Weeks after all
be whole.
That precise Order be taken that the Searchers, Chirurgeons, Keepers
and Buriers are not to pass the Streets without holding a red Rod or
Wand of three Foot in Length in their Hands, open and evident to be
seen, and are not to go into any other House than into their own, or
into that whereunto they are directed or sent for; but to forbear and
abstain from Company, especially when they have been lately used
in any such Business or Attendance.
Inmates.
THAT where several Inmates are
in one and the same House, and any Person
in that House happens to be Infected; no other Person or Family of
such House shall be suffered to remove him or themselves without a
Certificate from the Examiners of Health of that Parish; or in default
thereof, the House whither he or they so remove, shall be shut up as in
case of Visitation.
Hackney-Coaches.
THAT care be taken of
Hackney-Coach-men, that they may not (as some of
them have been observed to do) after carrying of infected Persons to
the Pest-House, and other Places, be admitted to common use,
till
their Coaches be well aired, and have stood unemploy'd by the Space of
five or six Days after such Service.
_________________________________________________
ORDERS for cleansing and
keeping of the Streets Sweet.
The Streets to be kept clean.
FIRST, it is thought necessary,
and so ordered, that every Housholder do
cause the Street to be daily prepared before his Door, and so to keep
it clean swept all the Week long.
That Rakers take it from out the Houses.
THAT the Sweeping and
Filth of Houses be daily JL carry'd away by the Rakers, and that the
Raker shall give notice of his coming, by the blowing of a Horn, as
hitherto hath been done.
Laystalls to be made far off from the
City.
THAT the Laystalls be removed as
far as may be out of the City, and
common Passages, and that no Nightman or other be suffered to empty a
Vault into any Garden near about the City.
Care to be taken of unwholsome Filth or
Flesh, and of musty Corn.
THAT special care be taken, that
no slinking Fish, or unwholesome Flesh,
or musly Corn, or other corrupt Fruits, of what Sort soever be
suffered to be sold about the City, or any part of the same.
That the Brewers and Tippling-houses be looked unto, for musly and
unwholsome Casks.
That no Hogs, Dogs, or Cats, or tame Pigeons, or Conies, be suffered to
be kept within any part of the City, or any Swine to be, or stray in
the Streets or Lanes, but that such Swine be impounded by the Beadle or
any other Officer, and the Owner punished according to Act of
Common-Council, and that the Dogs be killed by the Dog-killers
appointed for that purpose.
_________________________________________________
ORDERS concerning loose
Persons and idle Assemblies.
Beggers.
FORasmuch as nothing is more
complained of, than the Multitude of Rogues
and wandring Beggars, that swarm in every place about the City, being a
great cause of the spreading of the Infection, and will not be avoided,
notwithstanding any Order that have been given to the contrary: It is
therefore now ordered, that such Constables, and others, whom this
Matter may any way concern, take
special care that no wandring Begger be suffered in the Streets of this
City, in any fashion or manner whatsoever, upon the Penalty
provided by the Law to be duely and severely executed upon them.
Plays.
THAT all Plays, Bear-Baitings,
Games, singing of Ballads, Buckler-play,
or such like Causes of Assemblies of People, be utterly
prohibited, and the Parties offending severely punished by every
Alderman in his Ward.
Feasting Prohibited.
THAT all publick Feasting, and
particularly by the Companies of this
City, and Dinners at Taverns, Alehouses, and other Places of common
Entertainment be forborn till further Order and Allowance; and that the
Money thereby spared, be preserved and employed for the Benefit and
Relief of the Poor visited with the Infection.
Tipling-Houses.
THAT disorderly Tipling in
Taverns, Ale-houses, Coffe-houses, and
Cellars be severely looked unto, as the common Sin of this Time, and
greatest occasion of dispersing the Plague. And that no Company or
Person be suffered to remain or come into any Tavern,
Alehouse, or Coffe-house, to drink after nine of the Clock in the
Evening, according to the antient Law and Custom of this City,
upon the Penalties ordained in that Behalf.
And for the better execution of these Orders, and such other Rules and
Directions as upon further consideration shall be found needful; It is
ordered and enjoined that
the Aldermen, Deputies, and Common-Council-men shall meet together
weekly, once, twice, thrice, or oftner, (as cause shall require) at
some one general Place accustomed in their respective Wards (being
clear from Infection of the Plague) to consult how the said Orders may
be duly put in Execution; not intending that any, dwelling in or
near Places infected, shall come to the said Meeting whiles their
coming may be doubtful. And the said Aldermen, and Deputies, and
Common-Council-men in their several Wards may put in Execution any
other good Orders that by them at their said Meetings shall be
conceived and devised, for Preservation of His Majesty's Subjects
from the Infection.
Sir John Lawrence | Sir George Waterman | Sheriffs
Lord Mayor
| Sir Charles Doe
|
I need not say, that these Orders extended only to such Places as were
within the Lord Mayor's Jurisdiction; so it is requisite to
observe, that the Justices of Peace, within those Parishes, and Places
as were called the Hamlets,and Out-parts, took the same Method:
As I
remember, the Orders for shutting up of Houses, did not take Place so
soon on our Side, because, as I said before, the Plague did not reach
to these Eastern Parts of the Town, at least, nor begin to be very
violent, till the beginning of August. For Example, the whole
Bill,
from the 11th to the 18th of July, was 1761, yet there dy'd but
71
of the Plague, in all those Parishes we call the Tower-Hamlets;
and
they were as follows.
Algate
Stepney
White-Chappel
St. Kath. Tower
Trin. Minories
|
14
33
21
2
1
--
71 |
the next
Week was
thus
|
34
58
48
4
1
--
145
|
and to the
1st of Aug.
thus.
|
65
76
79
4
4
--
228
|
It was indeed, coming on a main; for the Burials that same Week, were
in the next adjoining Parishes, thus,
St. Len. Shorditch
St. Bot. Bishopsg.
St. Giles Crippl.
|
64
65
213
--
342
|
the next Week
prodigiously en-
creased, as
|
84
105
241
--
610
|
to the 1st
of Aug.
thus.
|
110
116
554
--
780
|
This shutting up of houses was at first counted a very cruel and
Unchristian Method, and the poor People so confin'd made bitter
Lamentations: Complaints of the Severity of it, were also daily brought
to my Lord Mayor, of Houses causelessly, (and some maliciously) shut
up: I cannot say, but upon Enquiry, many that complained so loudly,
were found in a Condition to be continued, and others again Inspection
being made upon the sick Person, and the Sickness not appearing
infectious, or if uncertain, yet, on his being content to be
carried to the Pest-House, were released.
It is true, that the locking up the Doors of Peoples Houses, and
setting a Watchman there Night and Day, to prevent their stirring out,
or any coming to them; when, perhaps, the sound People, in the Family,
might have escaped, if they had been remov'd from the Sick, looked very
hard and cruel; and many People perished in these miserable
Confinements, which 'tis reasonable to
believe, would not have been distemper'd if they had Liberty, tho'
the Plague was in the House; at which, people were very
clamorous and uneasie at first, and several Violences were committed,
and
Injuries offered the Men, who were set to watch the Houses so shut up;
also several People broke out by Force, in many Places, as I shall
observe by and by: But it was a publick Good that justified the private
Mischief; and there was no obtaining the least Mitigation, by any
Application to Magistrates, or Government, at that Time, at least, not
that I heard of. This put the People upon all Manner of Stratagem, in
order, if possible, to get out, and it would fill a little Volume, to
set down the Arts us'd by the People of such Houses, to shut the
Eyes of the Watchmen, who were employ'd, to deceive them, and to
escape, or break out from them; in which frequent Scurries, and
Mischief happened; of which by it self.
As I went along Houndsditch one Morning, about eight a-Clock,
there was
a great Noise; it is true indeed, there was not much Croud, because
People were not very free to gather
together, or to stay long together, when they were there, nor did I
stay long there; But the Outcry was loud enough to prompt my Curiosity,
and I call'd to one that look'd out of a Window, and ask'd what was the
Matter.
A Watchman, it seems, had been employed to keep his Post at the Door of
a House, which was infected, or said to be infected, and was shut up;
he had been there all Night for two Nights together, as he told his
Story, and the Day Watchman had been there one Day, and was now come to
relieve him: All this while no Noise had been heard in the House, no
Light had been seen; they call'd for nothing, sent him of no Errands,
which us'd to be the
chief Business of the Watchman; neither had they given him any
Disturbance, as he said, from the Monday afternoon, when he heard great
crying and screaming in the House, which, as he supposed, was
occasioned by some of the Family dying just at that Time: it seems
the Night before, the Dead-Cart, as it was called, had been stopt
there, and a Servant-Maid had been brought down to the Door dead, and
the Buriers or Bearers, as they were call'd, put her into the Cart,
wrapt only in a green Rug, and carried her away.
The Watchman had knock'd at the Door, it seems, when he heard that
Noise and Crying, as above, and no Body answered, a great while; but at
last one look'd out and said with an angry quick Tone, and yet a Kind
of crying Voice, or a Voice of one that was crying, What d'ye want,
that ye make such a knocking? He answer'd, I am the Watchman!
how do
you do? What is the Matter? The Person answered, What
is that to you?
Stop the Dead-Cart.This it seems, was about one a-Clock; soon
after, as
the Fellow said, he stopped the Dead-Cart, and then knock'd again, but
no Body answered: He continued knocking, and the Bellman call'd out
several Times, Bring out your Dead; but no Body answered, till
the Man
that drove the Cart being call'd to other Houses, would stay no longer,
and drove away.
The Watchman knew not what to make of all this, so he let them alone,
till the Morning-Man, or Day Watchman, as they call'd him, came to
relieve him, giving him an Account of the Particulars, they
knock'd at the Door a great while, but no body answered; and they
observ'd, that the Window, or Casement, at which the Person had look'd
out, who had answer'd before, continued open, being up two Pair of
Stairs.
Upon this, the two Men to satisfy their Curiosity, got a long Ladder,
and one of them went up to the Window, and look'd into the Room, where
he saw a Woman lying dead upon the Floor, in a dismal Manner, having no
Cloaths on her but her Shift: But tho' he call'd aloud, and putting in
his long Staff, knock'd hard on the Floor, yet no Body stirr'd or
answered; neither could be hear any Noise in the House.
He came down again, upon this, and acquainted his Fellow, who went up
also, and finding it just so, they resolv'd, to acquaint either the
Lord Mayor, or some other Magistrate of it, but did not offer to go in
at the Window: The Magistrate it seems, upon the Information of
the two Men, ordered the House to be broken open, a Constable, and
other Persons being appointed to be present, that nothing might be
plundred; and accordingly it was so done, when no Body was found in the
House, but that young Woman, who having been infected, and past
Recovery, the rest had left her to die by her self, and were every one
gone, having found some Way to delude the Watchman, and get open the
Door, or get out at some Back Door, or over the Tops of the Houses, so
that he knew nothing of it; and as to those Crys and Shrieks, which he
heard, it was suppos'd, they were the passionate Cries of the Family,
at the bitter parting, which, to be sure, it was to them all; this
being the Sister to the Mistress of the Family. The Man of the House,
his Wife, several Children, and Servants, being all gone and fled,
whether sick or sound, that I could never learn; nor, indeed, did I
make much Enquiry after it.
Many such escapes were made, out of infected Houses, as particularly,
when the Watchman was sent of some Errand; for it was his Business to
go of any Errand, that the Family sent him of, that is to say, for
Necessaries, such as Food
and Physick; to fetch Physicians, if they would come, or Surgeons, or
Nurses, or to order the Dead-Cart, and the like; But with this
Condition too, that when he went, he was to lock up the Outer-Door of
the House, and take the Key away with him; to evade this, and cheat the
Watchmen, People got two or three Keys made to their Locks; or they
found Ways to unscrew the Locks, such as were screw'd on, and so
take off the Lock, being in the Inside of the House, and while they
sent away the Watchman to the Market, to the Bakehouse, or for one
Trifle or another, open the Door, and go out as often as they pleas'd:
But this being found out, the Officers afterwards had Orders to Padlock
up the Doors on the Outside, and place Bolts on them as they thought
fit.
At another House, as I was inform'd, in the Street next within Algate,
a whole Family was shut up and lock'd in, because the Maid-Servant was
taken sick; the Master of the House had complain'd by his Friends to
the next Alderman, and to the Lord Mayor, and had consented to have the
Maid carried to the Pest-House, but was refused, so the Door was marked
with a red Cross, a Padlock on the Outside, as above, and a
Watchman set to keep the Door according to publick Order.
After the Master of the House found there was no Remedy, but that he,
his Wife and his Children were to be lockt up with this poor
distempered
Servant; he call'd to the Watchman, and told him, he must go then and
fetch a Nurse for them, to attend this poor Girl, for that it would be
certain Death to them all to oblige them to nurse her, and told him
plainly, that if he would not do this, the Maid must perish either of
the Distemper,or be for want of Food; for he was resolv'd none of his
Family, should go
near her; and she lay in the Garret four Story high, where she could
not Cry out, or call to any Body for Help.
The Watchman consented to that, and went and fetch'd a Nurse as he was
appointed, and brought her to them the same Evening; during this
interval, the Master of the House took his Opportunity to break a large
Hole thro' his Shop into a Bulk or Stall, where formerly a Cobler had
sat, before or under his Shop-window; but the Tenant, as may be
supposed, at such a dismal Time as that, was dead or remov'd, and so he
had the Key in his own keeping; having made his Way into this Stall,
which he cou'd not have done, if the Man had been at the Door, the
Noise he was obliged to make, being such as would have alarm'd the
Watchman; I say, having made his Way into this Stall, he sat still till
the Watchman return'd with the Nurse, and all the next Day also;
but the Night following, having contriv'd to send the Watchman of
another trifling Errand, which as I take it, was to an Apothecary's
for a Plaster for the Maid, which he was to stay for the making up, or
some such Errand that might secure his staying some Time; in that Time
he conveyed himself, and all his Family out of the House and left the
Nurse and the Watchman to bury the poor Wench; that is, to throw her
into the Cart, and take care of the House.
I cou'd give a great many such Stories as these, diverting enough,
which in the long Course of that dismal Year, I met with, that is heard
of, and which are very certain to be true, or very near the Truth; that
is to say, true in the General, for no Man could at such a Time, learn
all the Particulars: There was likewise Violence used with the
Watchmen, as was reported in abundance of Places; and I
believe, that from the Beginning of the Visitation to the End, there
was not less than eighteen or twenty of them kill'd, or so wounded as
to be taken up for Dead, which was suppos'd to be done by the People in
the infected Houses which were shut up, and where they attempted to
come out, and were oppos'd.
Nor indeed cou'd less be expected, for here were just so many Prisons
in
the Town, as there were Houses shut up; and as the People shut up or
imprison'd so, were guilty of no Crime, only shut up because miserable,
it was really the more intolerable to them.
It had also this Difference; that every Prison, as we may call it, had
but one Jaylor; and as he had the whole House to Guard, and that many
Houses were so situated, as that they had several Ways out, some
more, some less, and some into several Streets; it was impossible for
one Man so to Guard all the Passages, as to prevent the escape of
People, made desperate by the fright of their Circumstances, by the
Resentment of their usage, or by the raging of the Distemper it self;
so that they would talk to the Watchman on one side of the House,
while the Family made their escape at another.
For example, in Coleman-street, there are abundance of Alleys,
as
appears still; a House was shut up in that they call Whites-Alley,
and
this House had a back Window, not a Door into a Court, which had a
Passage into Bell-Alley; a Watchman was set by the Constable,
at the
Door of this House, and there he stood, or his Comrade, Night and Day,
while the Family went all away in the Evening, out at that Window into
the Court, and left the poor Fellows warding, and watching, for near a
Fortnight.
Not far from the same Place, they blow'd up a Watchman with Gun-powder,
and
burnt the poor Fellow dreadfully, and while he made hidious Crys, and
no Body would venture to come near to help him; the whole Family that
were able to stir, got out at the Windows one Story high; two that were
left Sick, calling out for Help; Care was taken to give them Nurses to
look after them, but the Persons fled were never found, till after the
Plague was abated they return'd, but as nothing cou d be prov'd, so
nothing could be done to them.
It is to be consider'd too, that as these were Prisons without Barrs
and Bolts, which our common Prisons are furnish'd with, so the People
let themselves down out of their Windows, even in the Face of the
Watchman, bringing Swords or Pistols in their Hands, and
threatening the poor Wretch to shoot him, if he stir'd, or call'd
for Help.
In other Cases, some had Gardens, and Walls, or Pales between them and
their Neighbours; or Yards, and back-Houses; and these by Friendship
and Entreaties, would get leave to get over those Walls, or Pales,
and so go out at their Neighbour's Doors; or by giving Money to their
Servants, get them, to let them thro' in the Night; so that in short,
the shutting up of Houses, was in no wise to be depended upon; neither
did it answer the End at all; serving more to make the People
desperate, and drive them to such Extremities, as that, they would
break out at all Adventures.
And that which was still worse, those that did thus break out, spread
the Infection farther by their wandring about with the Distemper upon
them, in their desperate Circumstances, than they would otherwise
have done; for whoever considers all the Particulars in such Cases must
acknowledge; and we cannot doubt but the severity of those
Confinements made many People desperate; and made them run out of
their Houses at all Hazards, and with the Plague visibly upon them, not
knowing either whither to go, or what to do, or, indeed, what they did;
and many that did so, were driven to dreadful Exigences and
Extremeties, and Perish'd in the Streets or Fields for meerWant, or
drop'd down, by the raging violence of the Fever upon them; Others
wandred into the Country, and went forward any Way, as their
Desperation guided them, not knowing whether they went or would go,
till faint and tir'd, and not getting any Relief; the Houses and
Villages on the Road refusing to admit them to lodge, whether
infected or no; they have perish'd by the Road Side, or gotten into
Barns and dy'd there, none daring to come to them, or relieve them,
tho' perhaps not infected, for no Body would believe them.
On the other Hand, when the Plague at first seiz'd a Family, that is to
say, when any one Body of the Family, had gone out, and unwarily or
otherwise catch'd the Distemper and brought it Home, it was certainly
known by the Family, before it was known to the Officers, who, as you
will see by the Order, were appointed to examine into the Circumstances
of all sick Persons, when they heard of their being sick.
In this Interval, between their being taken sick, and the Examiners
coming, the Master of the House had Leisure and Liberty to remove
himself, or all his Family if he knew whether to go, and many did so:
But the great disaster was, that many did thus, after they were really
infected themselves, and so carry'd the Disease into the Houses of
those who were so Hospitable as to receive them, which it must be
confess'd was very cruel and ungrateful.
And this was in Part, the Reason of the general Notion, or scandal
rather, which went about of the Temper of People infected; Namely, that
they did not take the least care, or make any Scruple of infecting
others; tho' I cannot say, but there might be some Truth in it too, but
not so general as was reported. What natural Reason could be given, for
so wicked a Thing, at a Time, when they might conclude themselves just
going to appear at the Barr of Divine Justice, I know not: I am very
well satisfy'd, that it cannot be reconcil'd to Religion and Principle,
any more than it can be to Generosity and Humanity; but I may speak of
that again.
I am speaking now of People made desperate, by the Apprehensions of
their being shut up, and their breaking out by Stratagem or Force,
either before or after they were shut up, whose Misery was not
lessen'd, when they were out, but sadly encreased: On the other Hand,
many that thus got away, had Retreats to go to, and other Houses, where
they lock'd themselves up, and kept hid till the Plague was over; and
many Families foreseeing the Approach of the Distemper, laid up Stores
of Provisions, sufficient for their whole Families, and shut themselves
up, and that so entirely, that they were neither seen or heard of, till
the Infection was quite ceased, and then came abroad Sound and Well: I
might recollect several such as these, and give you the
Particulars of their Management; for doubtless, it was the most
effectual secure Step that cou'd be taken for such, whose Circumstances
would not admit them to remove, or who had not Retreats abroad proper
for the Case; for in being thus shut up, they were as if they had
been a hundred Miles off: Nor do I remember, that any one of those
Families
miscarry'd; among these, several Dutch Merchants were particularly
remarkable, who kept their Houses like little Garrisons besieged,
suffering none to go in or out, or come near them; particularly one in
a Court in Throckmorton Street, whose House looked into Drapers
Garden.
But I come back to the Case of Families infected, and shut up by the
Magistrates; the Misery of those Families is not to be express'd,
and it was generally in such Houses that we heard the most dismal
Shrieks and Outcries of the poor People terrified, and even
frighted to Death, by the Sight of the Condition of their dearest
Relations, and by the Terror of being imprisoned as they were.
I remember, and while I am writing this Story, I think I hear the very
Sound of it, a certain Lady had an only Daughter, a young Maiden about
19 Years old, and who was possessed of a very Considerable Fortune;
they were only Lodgers in the House where they were: The young Woman,
her Mother, and the Maid, had been abroad for some Occasion, I do not
remember what, for the House was not shut up; but about two Hours after
they came home, the young Lady complain'd she was not well; in a
quarter of an Hour more, she vomited, and had a violent Pain in her
Head. Pray God, says her Mother in a terrible Fright, my Child has not
the Distemper! The Pain in her Head increasing, her Mother ordered the
Bed to be warm'd, and resolved to put her to Bed; and prepared to give
her things to sweat, which was the ordinary Remedy to be taken, when
the first Apprehensions of the Distemper began. While the Bed was
airing, the Mother undressed the young Woman, and just as she was laid
down in the Bed, she looking upon
her Body with a Candle, immediately discovered the fatal Tokens on the
Inside of her Thighs. Her Mother, not being able to contain herself,
threw down her Candle, and scriekt out in such a frightful Manner, that
it was enough to place Horror upon the stoutest Heart in the World; nor
was it one Skream, or one Cry, but the Fright having seiz'd her
Spirits, she fainted first, then recovered,then ran all over the House,
up the Stairs and down the Stairs, like one distracted, and indeed
really was distracted, and continued screching, and crying out for
several Hours, void of all Sense, or at least, Government of her
Senses, and as I was told, never came throughly to herself again: As to
the young Maiden, she was a dead Corpse from that Moment; for the
Gangren which occasions the Spots had spread her whole Body, and she
died in less than two Hours: But still the Mother continued crying out,
not knowing any Thing more of her Child, several Hours after she was
dead. It is so long ago, that I am not certain, but I think the
Mother never recover'd, but died in two or three Weeks after.
This was an extraordinary Case, and I am therefore the more particular
in it, because I came so much to the Knowledge of it; but there were
innumerable such like Cases; and it was seldom, that the Weekly Bill
came in, but there were two or three put in frighted, that is,
that may
well be called, frighted to Death: But besides those, who were so
frighted [as] to die upon the Spot, there were great Numbers frighted
to other Extreams, some frighted out of their Senses, some out of their
Memory, and some out of their Understanding: But I return to the
shutting up of Houses.
As several People, I say, got out of their Houses by Stratagem, after
they were shut up, so others got out by bribing the Watchmen, and
giving them Money to let them go privately out in the Night. I must
confess, I thought it at that time, the most innocent Corruption, or
Bribery, that any Man could be guilty of; and there-foie could not but
pity the poor Men, and think it was hard when three of those Watchmen,
were publickly whipt thro' the Streets, for suffering People to go out
of Houses shut up.
But notwithstanding that Severity, Money prevail'd with the poor Men,
and many Families found Means to make Salleys out, and escape that way
after they had been shut up: but these were generally such as had some
Places to retreat to; and tho' there was no easie passing the Roads any
whither, after the first of August, yet there were many Ways of
retreat,and particularly, as I hinted, some got Tents and set them up
in the Fields, carrying Beds, or Straw to lie on, and Provisions to
eat, and so liv'd in them as Hermits in a Cell; for no Body would
venture to come near them; and several Stories were told of such; some
comical, some tragical, some who liv'd like wandring Pilgrims in the
Desarts, and escaped by making themselves Exiles in such a Manner as is
scarce to be credited, and who yet enjoyed more Liberty than was to be
expected in such Cases.
I have by me a Story of two Brothers and their Kinsman, who being
single Men, but that had stay'd in the City too long to get away, and
indeed, not knowing where to go to have any Retreat, nor having
wherewith to travel far, took a Course for their own Preservation,
which tho' in it self at first, desperate, yet was so natural, that it
may be wondred, that no more did so at that Time. They were but of mean
Condition, and yet not so very poor, as
that they could not furnish themselves with some little Conveniencies,
such as might serve to keep Life and Soul together; and finding the
Distemper increasing in a terrible Manner, they resolved to shift, as
well as they could, and to be gone.
One of them had been a Soldier in the late Wars, and before that in the
Low Countries, and having been bred to no particular
Employment but his
Arms; and besides being wounded, and not able to work very hard, had
for some Time been employ'd at a Baker's of Sea Bisket in Wapping.
The Brother of this Man was a Seaman too, but some how or other, had
been hurt of one Leg, that he could not go to Sea, but had work'd for
his Living at a Sail Makers in Wapping, or there abouts; and
being a
good Husband, had laid up some Money, and was the richest of the Three.
The third Man was a Joiner or Carpenter by Trade, a handy Fellow; and
he had no Wealth, but his Box, or Basket of Tools, with the Help of
which he could at any Time get his Living, such a Time as this
excepted, wherever he went, and he liv'd near Shadwel.
They all liv'd in Stepney Parish, which, as I have said, being
the last
that was infected, or at least violently, they stay'd there till
they evidently saw the Plague was abating at the West Part of the
Town, and coming towards the East where they liv'd.
The Story of those three Men, if the Reader will be content to have me
give it in their own Persons, without taking upon me to either vouch
the Particulars, or answer for any Mistakes, I shall give as
distinctly as I can, believing the History will be a very good Pattern
for any poor Man to follow, in case the like Publick Desolation should
happen
here; and if there may be no such Occasion, which God of his
infinite Mercy grant us, slill the Story may have its Uses so many ways
as that it will, I hope, never be said, that the relating has been
unprofitable.
I say all this previous to the History, having yet, for the present,
much more to say before I quit my own Part.
I went all the first Part of the Time freely about the Streets, tho'
not so freely as to run my self into apparent Danger, except when they
dug the great Pit in the Church-Yard of our Parish of Algate; a
terrible Pit it was, and I could not resist my Curiosity to go and see
it; as near as I may judge, it was about 40 Foot in Length, and about
15 or 16 Foot broad; and at the Time I first looked at it, about nine
Foot deep; but it was said, they dug it near 20 Foot deep afterwards,
in one Part of it, till they could go no deeper for the Water: for they
had it seems, dug several large Pits before this, for tho' the Plague
was long a-coming to our Parish, yet when it did come, there was no
Parish in or about London, where it raged with such Violence as in the
two Parishes of Algate and WhiteChapel.
I say they had dug several Pits in another Ground; when the Distemper
began to spread in our Parish, and especially when the Dead-Carts began
to go about, which was not in our Parish, till the beginning of August.
Into these Pits they had put perhaps 50 or 60 Bodies each, then they
made larger Holes, wherein they buried all that the Cart brought in a
Week, which by the middle, to the End of August, came to,
from 200
to 400 a Week; and they could not well dig them larger, because of the
Order of the Magistrates, confining them to leave no Bodies
within six Foot of the Surface; and the Water corning on, at about 17
or 18 Foot, they could not well, I say, Put more in one Pit; but now at
the Beginning of September, the Plague raging in a dreadful
Manner, and
the Number of Burials in our Parish increasing to more than was ever
buried in any Parish about London, of no larger Extent, they
ordered
this dreadful Gulph to be dug; for such it was rather than a Pit.
They had supposed this Pit would have supply'd them for a Month or
more, when they dug it, and some blam'd the Church-Wardens for
suffering such a frightful Thing, telling them they were making
Preparations to bury the whole Parish, and the like; but Time made it
appear, the Church-Wardens knew the Condition of the Parish better than
they did; for the Pit being finished the 4th of September, I
think,
they began to bury in it the 6th, and by the 20[th], which was just:
two Weeks, they had thrown into it 1114 Bodies, when they were obliged
to fill it up, the Bodies being then come to lie within six
Foot of the Surface: I doubt not but there may be some antient Persons
alive in the Parish, who can justify the Fact of this, and are able to
shew even in what Part of the Church-Yard the Pit lay, better than I
can; the Mark of it also was many Years to be seen in the Church-Yard
on the Surface lying in Length, parallel with the Passage which
goes by the West Wall of the Church-Yard, out of Houndsditch,
and
turns East: again into White-Chappel, coming out near the three
Nuns
Inn.
It was about the l0th of September, that my Curiosity led, or
rather
drove me to go and see this Pit again, when there had been near 400
People buried in it; and I not content to see it in the Day-time, as I
had done before; for then there would have been nothing to have seen
but the
loose Earth; for all the Bodies that were thrown in, were immediately
covered with Earth, by those they call'd the Buryers, which at other
Times were call'd Bearers; but I resolv'd to go in the Night and see
some of them thrown in. There was a strict Order to prevent People
coming to those Pits, and
that was only to prevent Infection: But after some Time, that Order was
more necessary, for People that were Infected, and near their End, and
dilirious also, would run to those Pits wrapt in Blankets, or Rugs, and
throw themselves in, and as they said, bury themselves: I cannot say,
that the Officers suffered any willingly to lie there: but I have
heard, that in a great Pit in Finsbury, in the Parish of Cripp'legate,
it lying open then to the Fields, for it was not then wall'd about,
[many] came and threw themselves in, and expired there, before they
threw any Earth upon them; and that when they came to bury others, and
found them there, they were quite dead, tho' not cold.
This may serve a little to describe the dreadful Condition of that
Day, tho' it is impossible to say any Thing that is able to give a true
Idea of it to those who did not see it, other than this; that it was
indeed very, very, very dreadful, and such as no Tongue can express.
I got admittance into the Church-Yard by being acquainted with the
Sexton, who attended, who tho' he did not refuse me at all, yet
earnestly perswaded me not to go; telling me very seriously, for he was
a good religious and sensible Man,that it was, indeed, their Business
and Duty to venture, and to run all Hazards; and that in it they might
hope to be preserv'd; but that I had no apparent Call to it, but
my own Curiosity, which, he said, he believ'd I would not pretend, was
sufficient to justify my running
that Hazard. I told him I had been press'd in my Mind to go, and
that
perhaps it might be an Instructing Sight, that might not be
without its Uses. Nay, savs the good Man, if you will venture upon that
Score, 'Name of God go in; for depend upon it, 'twill be a
Ser-rnon to
you, it may be, the best that ever you heard in your Life. 'Tis a
speaking Sight, says he, and has a Voice with it, and a loud one, to
call us all to Repentance; and with that he opened the Door and
said, Go, if you will.
His Discourse had shock'd my Resolution a little, and I stood wavering
for a good while; but just at that Interval I saw two Links come over
from the End of the Minories, and heard the Bell-man, and then
appear'd
a Dead-Cart, as they call'd it, coming over the Streets, so I
could no
longer resist my Desire of seeing it, and went in: There was no Body,
as I could perceive at first, in the Church-Yard, or going into it, but
the Buryers, and the Fellow that drove the Cart, or rather led the
Horse and Cart, but when they came up, to the Pit, they saw a Man go to
and again, mufled up in a brown Cloak, and making Motions with his
Hands, under his Cloak, as if he was in a great Agony; and the Buriers
immediately gathered about him, supposing he was one of those poor
dilirious, or desperate Creatures, that used to pretend, as I have
said, to bury themselves; he said nothing as he walk'd about, but two
or three times groaned very deeply, and loud, and sighed as he
would break his Heart.
When the Buryers came up to him they soon found he was neither a Person
infected and desperate, as I have observed above, or a Person
distempered in Mind, but one oppress'd with a dreadful Weight of
Grief indeed, having his Wife and several of his Children, all in the
Cart, that was
just come in with him, and he followed in an Agony and excess of
Sorrow. He mourned heartily, as it was easy to see, but with a kind of
Masculine Grief, that could not give it self Vent by Tears, and calmly
desiring the Buriers to let him alone, said he would only see the
Bodies thrown in, and go away, so they left importuning him; but
no sooner was the Cart turned round and the Bodies shot into the Pit
promiscuously, which was a Surprize to him, for he at least expected
they would have been decently laid in, tho' indeed he was afterwards
convinced that was impracticable; I say, no sooner did he see the
Sight,
but he cry'd out aloud unable to contain himself; I could not hear what
he said, but he went backward two or three Steps, and fell down in
a Swoon: the Buryers ran to him and took him up, and in a little While
he came to himself, and they led him away to the Pye-Tavern
over-against the End of Houndsditch, where, it seems, the Man
was
known, and where they took care of him. He look'd into the Pit again,
as he went away, but the Buriers had covered the Bodies so immediately
with throwing in Earth, that tho' there was Light enough, for there
were Lantherns and Candles in them, plac'd all Night round the Sides of
the Pit, upon the Heaps of Earth, seven or eight, or perhaps more, yet
nothing could be seen.
This was a mournful Scene indeed, and affected me almost as much as the
rest; but the other was awful, and full of Terror, the Cart had in it
sixteen or seventeen Bodies, some were wrapt in Linen Sheets, some in
Rugs, some little other than naked, or so loose, that what Covering
they had, fell from them, in the shooting out of the Cart, and they
fell quite naked among the rest; but the Matter was not much to them,
or the Indecency much to any one
else, seeing they were all dead, and were huddled together into the
common Grave of Mankind as we may
call it, for here was no Difference made, but Poor and Rich went
together; there was no other way of Burials, neither was it possible
there should, for Coffins were not to be had for the prodigious Numbers
that fell in such a Calamity as this.
It was reported by way of Scandal upon the Buriers, that if any Corpse
was delivered to them, decently wound up as we call'd it then, in a
Winding Sheet Ty'd over the Head and Feet, which some did, and which
was generally of good Linen; I say, it was reported, that the Buriers
were so wicked as to strip them in the Cart, and carry them quite naked
to the Ground: But as I can not easily credit any thing so vile among
Christians, and at a Time so fill'd with Terrors, as that was, I can
only relate it and leave it undetermined.
Innumerable Stories also went about of the cruel Behaviours and
Practises of Nurses, who tended the Sick, and of their hastening on the
Fate of those they tended in their Sickness: But I shall say more of
this in its Place.
I was indeed shock'd with this Sight, it almost over-whelm'd me, and I
went away with my Heart most afflicted and full of the afflicting
Thoughts, such as I cannot describe; just at my going out of the
Church, and turning up the Street towards my own House, I saw another
Cart with Links, and a Bellman going before, coming out of Harrow-Alley,
in the Butcher-Row, on the other
Side of the Way, and
being, as I perceived, very full of dead Bodies, it went directly over
the Street also toward the Church: I stood a while, but I had no
Stomach to go back again to see the same dismal Scene over again, so I
went directly Home, where I could not but consider with Thankfulness,
the Risque I had run, believing I had gotten no Injury; as indeed
I had not.
Here the poor unhappy Gentleman's Grief came into my Head again, and
indeed I could not but shed Tears in the Reflection upon it, perhaps
more than he did himself; but his Case lay so heavy upon my Mind,
that I could not prevail with my self, but that I must go out again
into the Street, and go to the Pye-Tavern, resolving to
enquire
what became of him.
It was by this Time one a-Clock in the Morning, and yet the poor
Gentleman was there; the Truth was, the People of the House knowing
him, had entertain'd him, and kept him there all the Night,
notwithstanding the Danger of being infected, by him, tho' it appear'd
the Man was perfectly sound himself.
It is with Regret, that I take Notice of this Tavern; the People were
civil, mannerly, and an obliging Sort of Folks enough, and had till
this Time kept their House open, and their Trade going on, tho' not so
very publickly as formerly; but there was a dreadful Set of
Fellows that used their House, and who in the middle of all this
Horror met there every Night, behaved with all the Revelling and
roaring extravagances, as is usual for such People to do at other
Times, and indeed to such an offensive Degree, that the very Master and
Mistress of the House grew first asham'd and then terrify'd at them.
They sat generally, in a Room next the Street, and as they always kept
late Hours, so when the Dead-Cart came cross the Street End to go into Hounds-ditch,
which was in View of the Tavern Windows;
they would
frequently open the Windows as soon as they heard the bell, and
look out at them; and as they might often hear sad Lamentations
of People in the Streets, or at their Windows, as the Carts went
along, they would make their impudent Mocks and Jeers at them,
especially if they heard the poor People call upon God to have Mercy
upon them, as many would do at those Times in their ordinary passing
along the Streets.
These Gentlemen being something disturb'd with the Clutter of bringing
the poor Gentleman into the House, as above, were first angry, and very
high with the Master of the House, for suffering such a Fellow, as they
call'd him, to be brought out of the Grave into their House; but being
answered, that the Man was a Neighbour, and that he was sound, but
overwhelmed with the Calamity of his Family, and the like, they turned
their Anger into ridiculing the Man, and his Sorrow for his Wife and
Children; taunted him with want of Courage to leap into the great Pit,
and go to Heaven, as they jeeringly express'd it, along with them,
adding some very profane, and even blasphemous Expressions.
They were at this vile Work when I came back to the House, and as far
as I could see, tho' the Man sat still, mute and disconsolate, and
their Affronts could not divert his Sorrow, yet he was both griev'd and
offended at their Discourse: Upon this, I gently reprov'd them, being
well enough acquainted with their Characters, and not unknown in Person
to two of them.
They immediately fell upon me with ill Language and Oaths; ask'd me
what I did out of my Grave, at such a Time when so many honester Men
were carried into the Church-Yard? and why I was not at Home saying my
Prayers, against the Dead-Cart came for me? and the like.
I was indeed astonished at the Impudence of the Men, tho' not at all
discomposed at their Treatment of me; however I kept my Temper; I told
them, that tho' I defy'd them, or any Man in the World to tax me with
any Dishonesty, yet I acknowledg'd, that in this terrible
Judgment of
God, many better than I was swept away, and carried to their Grave: But
to answer their Question directly, the Case was, that I was mercifully
preserved by that great God, whose Name they had Blasphemed and taken
in vain, by cursing and swearing in a dreadful Manner; and that I
believed I was preserv'd in particular, among other Ends, of his
Goodness, that I might reprove them for their audacious Boldness,
in behaving in such a Manner, and in such an awful Time as this was,
especially, for their Jeering and Mocking, at an honest Gentleman, and
a Neighbour, for some of them knew him, who they saw was overwhelm'd
with Sorrow, for the Breaches which it had pleas'd God to make upon his
Family.
I cannot call exactly to Mind the hellish abominable Rallery, which was
the Return they made to that Talk of mine, being provoked, it seems,
that I was not at all afraid to be free with them; nor if I could
remember, would I fill my Account with any of the Words, the horrid
Oaths, Curses, and vile Expressions, such, as at that time of the Day,
even the worst and ordinariest People in the Street would not use;
(for except such hardened Creatures as these, the most wicked
wretches that could be found, had at that Time some Terror upon their
Minds of the Hand of that Power which could thus, in a Moment destroy
them.)
But that which was the worst in all their devilish Language was, that
they were not afraid to blaspheme God, and talk Atheistically; making a
Jest at my calling the Plague the
Hand of God, mocking, and even laughing at the Word Judgment, as
if the Providence of God had no Concern in the inflicting such a
desolating Stroke; and that the People calling upon God, as they saw
the Carts carrying away the dead Bodies was all enthusiastick, absurd,
and impertinent.
I made them some Reply, such as I thought proper, but which I found was
so far from putting a Checque to their horrid Way of speaking, that it
made them rail the more so that I confess it fill'd me with Horror, and
a kind of Rage, and I came away, as I told them, lest the Hand of that
Judgment which had visited the whole City should glorify his Vengeance
upon them, and all that were near them.
They received all Reproof with the utmost Contempt, and made the
greatest Mockery that was possible for them to do at me, giving me all
the opprobrious insolent Scoffs that they could think of for
preaching to them, as they call'd it, which indeed grieved me,
rather
than angred me; and I went away blessing God, however, in my Mind,
that I had not spar'd them, tho' they had insulted me so much.
They continued this wretched Course, three or four Days after this,
continually mocking and jeering at all that shew'd themselves
religious, or serious, or that were any way touch'd with the Sence of
the terrible Judgment of God upon us, and I was inform'd they flouted
in the same Manner, at the good People, who, notwithstanding the
Contagion, met at the Church, fasted, and prayed to God to remove his
Hand from them.
I say, they continued this dreadful Course three or four Days, I
think
it was no more, when one of them, particularly he who ask'd the
poor Gentleman what he did out of his Grave?
was struck from Heaven with the Plague, and died in a most deplorable
Manner; and in a Word they were every one of them carried into the
great Pit, which I have mentioned above, before it was quite fill'd
up,which was not above a Fortnight or thereabout. These Men were guilty
of many extravagances, such as one would think, Human Nature should
have trembled at the Thoughts of, at such a Time of general
Terror, as was then upon us; and particularly scoffing and mocking
at every thing which they happened to see, that was religious among the
People, especially at their thronging zealously to the Place of publick
Worship, to implore Mercy from Heaven in such a Time of Distress; and
this Tavern, where they held their Club, being within View of the
Church Door, they had the more particular Occasion for their
Atheistical profane Mirth.
But this began to abate a little with them before the Accident, which I
have related, happened; for the Infection increased so violently, at
this Part of the Town now, that People began to be afraid to come to
the Church, at least such Numbers did not resort thither as was usual;
many of the Clergymen likewise were Dead, and others gone into the
Country; for it really required a steady Courage, and a strong Faith,
for a Man not only to venture being in Town at such a Time as this, but
likewise to venture to come to Church and perform the Office of a
Minister to a Congregation, of whom he had reason to believe many of
them, were aftually infected with the Plague, and to do this every Day,
or twice a Day, as in some Places was done.
It is true, the People shew'd an extraordinary Zeal in these religious
Exercises, and as the Church Doors were always open, People would go in
single at all Times, whether the
Minister was officiating or no, and locking themselves into separate
Pews, would be praying to God with great Fervency and Devotion.
Others assembled at Meeting-Houses, every one as their different
Opinions in such Things guided, but all were promiscuously the Subject
of these Mens Drollery, especially at the Beginning of the Visitation.
It seems they had been check'd for their open insulting Religion
in this Manner, by several good People of every perswasion, and that,
and the violent raging of the Infection, I suppose, was the Occasion
that they had abated much of their Rudeness, for some time before, and
were only rous'd by the Spirit of Ribaldry, and Atheism, at the Clamour
which was made, when the Gentleman was first brought in there, and
perhaps, were agitated by the same Devil, when I took upon me to
reprove them; tho' I did it at first with all the Calmness,
Temper, and Good Manners that I could, which, for a while, they
insulted me the more for, thinking it had been in fear of their
Resentment, tho' afterwards they found the contrary.
I went Home indeed, griev'd and afflicted in my Mind, at the Abominable
Wickedness of those Men, not doubting, however, that they would be made
dreadful Examples of God's Justice; for I look'd upon this dismal
Time to be a particular Season of Divine Vengeance, and that God would,
on this Occasion, single out the proper Objects, of his Displeasure, in
a more especial and remarkable Manner, than at another Time; and that,
tho' I did believe that many good People would, and aid, fall in the
common Calamity, and that it was no certain Rule to judge of the
eternal State of any one, by their being distinguish'd in such a Time
of general Destruction,
neither one Way or other; yet I say, it could not but seem reasonable
to believe, that God would not think fit to spare by his Mercy such
open declared Enemies, that should insult his Name and Being, defy his
Vengeance, and mock at his Worship and Worshipers, at such a Time;
no not tho' his Mercy had thought fit to bear with, and spare them at
other Times: That this was a Day of Visitation; a Day of God's Anger;
and those Words came into my Thought, Jer, v. 9. Shall I not visit
for
these things, saith the Lord., and shall not my Soul be avenged of such
a Nation as this?
These Things, I say, lay upon my Mind; and I went home very
much
griev'd and oppress'd with the Horror of these Mens Wickedness, and to
think that any thing could be so vile, so hardened, and so notoriously
wicked, as to insult God and his Servants, and his Worship, in such a
Manner, and at such a Time as this was; when he had, as it were, his
Sword drawn in his Hand, on purpose to take Vengeance, not on them
only, but on the whole Nation.
I had indeed, been in some Passion, at first, with them, tho' it was
really raised, not by any Affront they had offered me personally, but
by the Horror their blaspheming Tongues fill'd me with; however, I
was doubtful in my Thoughts, whether the Resentment I retain'd was
not all upon my own private Account, for they had given me a great deal
of ill Language too, I mean Personally; but after some Pause, and
having a Weight of Grief upon my Mind, I retir'd my self, as soon as I
came home, for I slept not that Night, and giving God most humble
Thanks for my Preservation in the eminent Danger I had been in, I set
my Mind seriously, and with the utmost Earnestness, to pray for those
desperate Wretches, that God
would pardon them, open their Eyes, and effectually humble them.
By this I not only did my Duty, namely, to pray for those who
dispitefully used me, but I fully try'd my own Heart, to my full
Satisfaction; that it was not fill'd with any Spirit of Resentment as
they had offended me in particular; and I humbly recommend the Method
to all those that would know, or be certain, how to distinguish between
their real Zeal for the Honour of God, and the Effects of their private
Passions and Resentment.
But I must go back here to the particular Incidents which occur to my
Thoughts of the Time of the Visitation, and particularly to the
Time of their shutting up Houses, in the first Part of the Sickness;
for before the Sickness was come to its Height, People had more Room to
make their Observations, than they had afterward: But when it was in
the Extremity, there was no such Thing as Communication with one
another, as before.
During the shutting up of Houses, as I have said, some Violence was
offered to the Watchmen; as to Soldiers, there were none to be
found; the few Guards which the King then had, which were nothing like
the Number, entertain'd since, were dispers'd, either at Oxford with
the Court, or in Quarters in the remoter Parts of the Country; small
Detachments excepted, who did Duty at the Tower, and at White-Hall,
and
these but very few; neither am I positive, that there was any other
Guard at the Tower, than the Warders, as they call'd them, who
stand at
the Gate with Gowns and Caps, the same as the Yeomen of the Guard;
except the ordinary Gunners, who were 24, and the Officers appointed to
look after the Magazine, who were call'd Armourers: as to Train'd
Bands, there was no Possibility of raising any, neither if the
Lieutenancy, either of London or Middlesex had
ordered the
Drums
to beat for the Militia, would any of the Companies, I believe, have
drawn together, whatever Risque they had run.
This made the Watchmen be the less regarded, and perhaps, occasioned
the greater Violence to be used against them; I mention it on this
Score, to observe that the setting Watchmen thus to keep the People in,
was (1st) of all, not effectual, but that the People broke out, whether
by Force or by Stratagem, even almost as often as they pleas'd: And
(2d) that those that did thus break out, were generally People
infected, who in their Desparation, running about one Place to
another, valued not who they injur'd, and which perhaps, as I have
said, might give Birth to Report, that it was natural to the
infected People to desire to infect others, which Report was
really false.
And I know it so well, and in so many several Cases, that I could give
several Relations of good, pious, and religious People, who, when they
have had the Distemper, have been so far from being forward to
infect others, that they have forbid their own Family to come near
them, in Hopes of their being preserved; and have even died without
seeing their nearest Relations, lest they should be instrumental to
give them the Distemper, and infect or endanger them: If then there
were Cases wherein the infected People were careless of the Injury
they did to others, this was certainly one of them, if not the chief,
namely, when People, who had the Distemper, had broken out from Houses
which were so shut up, and having been driven to Extremities for
Provision, or for Entertainment, had endeavoured to conceal their
Condition, and have been thereby Instrumental involuntarily to
infect others who have been ignorant and unwary.
This is one of the Reasons why I believ'd then, and do believe still,
that the shutting up Houses thus by Force, and restraining, or rather
imprisoning People in their own Houses, as is said above, was of little
or no Service in the Whole; nay, I am of Opinion, it was rather
hurtful, having forc'd those desperate People to wander abroad with the
Plague upon them, who would otherwise have died quietly in their
Beds.
I remember one Citizen, who having thus broken out of his House in Aldersgate-Street,
or thereabout, went along the Road to Islington,
he
attempted to have gone in at the Angel-Inn, and after that, at
the White-Horse, two Inns known still by the same Signs, but
was refused;
after which he came to the Pyed Bull, an Inn also still
continuing the
same Sign; he asked them for Lodging for one Night only, pretending to
be going into Lincolnshire, and assuring them of his being very
sound, and free from the Infection, which also, at that Time, had not
reached much that Way.
They told him they had no Lodging that they could spare, but one Bed,
up in the Garret, and that they could spare that Bed but for one Night,
some Drovers being expected the next Day with Cattle; so, if he would
accept of that Lodging, he might have it, which he did; so a
Servant was sent up with a Candle with him, to shew him the Room; he
was very well dress'd, and look'd like a Person not used to lie in a
Garret, and when he came to the Room he fetch'd a deep Sigh, and said
to the Servant, I have seldom lain in such a Lodging as this;
however the Servant assuring him again, that they had no better.
Well, says he, I must make shift; this is a dreadful Time, but
it is but for one Night; so he sat down upon the Bedside, and bad the
maid, I think it was, fetch him up a Pint of warm Ale;
accordingly the Servant went for the Ale; but some Hurry in the House,
which perhaps, employed her otherways, put it out of her Head; and she
went up no more to him.
The next Morning seeing no Appearance of the Gentleman, some Body in
the House asked the Servant that had shewed him up Stairs, what was
become of him? She smarted; Alas says she, I never thought more of him:
He bad me carry him some warm Ale, but I forgot; upon which, not the
Maid, but some other Person, was sent up to see after him, who coming
into the Room found him stark dead, and almost cold, stretch'd out
cross the Bed; his Cloths were pulled off, his Jaw fallen, his Eyes
open in a most frightful Posture,the Rug of the Bed being grasped hard
in one of his Hands; so that it was plain he died soon after the Maid
left him, and 'tis probable, had she gone up with the Ale, she had
found him dead in a few Minutes after he sat down upon the Bed. The
Alarm was great in the House, as any one may suppose, they having been
free from the Distemper, till that Disaster, which bringing the
Infection to the House, spread it immediately to other Houses round
about it. I do not remember how many died in the House it self, but I
think the Maid Servant, who went up first with him, fell presently ill
by the Fright, and several others; for, whereas there died but two in Islington
of the Plague the Week before, there died 17 the Week after, whereof 14
were of the Plague; this was in the Week from the 11th of July
to the 18th.
There was one Shift that some Families had, and that not a few, when
their Houses happened to be infected, and that was this;
The Families, who in the first breaking out of the Distemper, fled away
into the Country, and had Retreats among their Friends, generally found
some other of their Neighbours or Relations to commit the Charge of
those Houses to, for the Safety of the Goods, and the like. Some Houses
were indeed, entirely lock'd up the Doors padlockt, the Windows and
Doors having Deal-Boards nail'd over them, and only the Inspection of
them committed to the ordinary Watchmen and Parish Officers; but these
were but few.
It was thought that there were not less than 10000 Houses forsaken of
the Inhabitants in the City and Suburbs, including what was in the
Out-Parishes, and in Surrey, or the Side of the Water they
call'd Southwark.
This was besides the Numbers of Lodgers, and of particular Persons who
were fled out of other Families; so that in all it was computed that
about 200000 People were fled and gone in all; But of this I shall
speak again: But I mention it here on this Account, namely, that it was
a Rule with those who had thus two Houses in their Keeping, or Care,
that if any Body was taken sick in a Family, before the Master of the
Family let the Examiners, or any other Officer, know of it, he
immediately would send all the rest of his Family whether Children or
Servants, as it fell out to be, to such other House which he had so in
Charge, and then giving Notice of the sick Person to the Examiner, have
a Nurse, or Nurses appointed; and have another Person to be shut up in
the House with them (which many for Money would do) so to take Charge
of the House, in case the Person should die.
This was in many Cases the saving a whole Family, who, if they had been
shut up with-the sick Person, would inevitably
have perished: But on the other Hand, this was another of the
Inconveniencies of shutting up Houses; for the Apprehensions and Terror
of being shut up, made many run away with the rest of the Family, who,
tho' it was not publickly known, and they were not quite sick, had yet
the Distemper upon them; and who by having an uninterrupted Liberty to
go about, but being obliged still to conceal their Circumstances,
or perhaps not knowing it themselves, gave the Distemper to
others, and spread the Infection in a dreadful Manner, as I shall
explain farther hereafter.
And here I may be able to make an Observation or two of my own, which
may be of use hereafter to those, into whose Hands this may come, if
they should ever see the like dreadful Visitation, (1.) The Infection
generally came into the Houses of the Citizens, by the Means of their
Servants, who, they were obliged to send up and down the Streets for
Necessaries, that is to say, for Food or Physick, to Bake-houses,
Brew-houses, Shops, &c., and who going necessarily thro'
the
Streets into Shops, Markets, and the like, it was impossible, but
that they should one way or other, meet with distempered people, who
conveyed the fatal Breath into them, and they brought it Home to the
Families, to which they belonged. (2.) It was a great Mistake, that
such a great City as this had but one Pest-House; for had there been,
instead of one Pest-House viz, beyond Bunhil-Fields; ( where,
at most,
they could receive, perhaps, 200 or 300 People; I say, had there
instead of that one been several Pest-houses, every one able to
contain a thousand People without lying two in a Bed, or two Beds in
a Room; and had every Master of a Family, as soon as any Servant
especially, had been taken sick in his House, been obliged to send them
to the next Pest-House, if they were willing, as many were, and had the
Examiners done the like among the poor People, when any had been
stricken with the Infection; I say, had this been done where the People
were willing (not otherwise) and the Houses not been shut, I am
perswaded, and was all the While of that Opinion, that not so many, by
several Thousands, had died; for it was observed, and I could give
several Instances within the Compass of my own Knowledge, where a
Servant had been taken sick, and the Family had either Time to send
them out or retire from the House, and leave the sick Person, as I have
said above, they had all been preserved; whereas, when upon one, or
more sickning in a Family, the House has been shut up, the whole Family
have perished, and the Bearers been oblig'd to go in to fetch out the
Dead Bodies, not being able to bring them to the Door; and at last none
left to do it.
(2.) This put it out of Question to me, that the Calamity was
spread by Infection, that is to say, by some certain Steams, or
Fumes, which the Physicians call Effluvia, by the Breath,
or by
the Sweat, or by the Stench of the Sores of the sick Persons, or some
other way, perhaps, beyond even the Reach of the Physicians
themselves, which Effluvia affected the Sound, who come
within
certain Distances of the Sick, immediately penetrating the Vital
Parts of the said sound Persons, putting their Blood into an immediate
ferment, and agitating their Spirits to that Degree which it was found
they were agitated; and so those newly infected Persons
communicated it in the same Manner to others; and this I shall
give some Instances of, that cannot but convince those who seriously
consider it; and I cannot but with some Wonder,
find some People, now the Contagion is over, talk of its being an
immediate Stroke from Heaven, without the Agency of Means, having
Commission to strike this and that particular Person, and none other;
which I look upon with Contempt,as the Effect of manifest
Ignorance and Enthusiasm; likewise the Opinion of others, who talk of
Infection being carried on by the Air only, by carrying with it vast
Numbers of Insects, and invisible Creatures, who enter into the Body
with the Breath, or even at the Pores with the Air, and there
generate,or emit most acute Poisons, or poisonous Ovae, or Eggs, which
mingle themselves with the Blood, and so infect the Body; a Discourse
full of learned Simplicity, and manifested to be so by universal
Experience; but I shall say more to this Case in its Order.
I must here take farther Notice that Nothing was more fatal to the
Inhabitants of this City, than the Supine Negligence of the People
themselves, who during the long Notice, or Warning they had of the
Visitation, yet made no Provision for it, by laying in Store of
Provisions, or of other Necessaries; by which they might have
liv'd retir'd, and within their own Houses, as I have observed,
others did, and who were in a great Measure preserv'd by that Caution;
nor were they,after they were a little hardened to it so shye of
conversing with one another, when actually infected, as they were at
first, no tho' they knew it.
I acknowledge I was one of those thoughtless Ones, that had made so
little Provision, that my Servants were obliged to go out of Doors to
buy every Trifle by Penny and Half-penny,just as before it begun, even
till my Experience shewing me the Folly, I began to be wiser so
late that I had scarce Time to store my self sufficient for our common
Subsistence for a Month.
I had in Family only an antient Woman, that managed the House, a
Maid-Servant, two Apprentices, and my self; and the Plague beginning to
encrease about us, I had many sad Thoughts about what Course I should
take, and how I should act; the many Dismal Objects, which happened
everywhere as I went about the Streets, had fill'd my Mind with a great
deal of Horror, for fear of the Distemper it self, which was indeed,
very horrible in it self and in some more than in others; the swellings
which were generally in the Neck, or Groin, when they grew hard, and
would not break, grew so painful, that it was equal to the most
exquisite Torture; and some not able to bear the Torment threw
themselves out at Windows, or shot themselves, or otherwise made
themselves away, and I saw several dismal Objects of that Kind: Others
unable to contain themselves, vented their Pain by incessant Roarings,
and such loud and lamentable Cries were to be heard as we walk'd along
the Streets, that would Pierce the very Heart to think of,especially
when it was to be considered, that the same dreadful Scourge might be
expected every Moment to seize upon our selves.
I cannot say, but that now I began to faint in my Resolutions, my
Heart fail'd me very much, and sorely I repented of my Rashness: When I
had been out, and met with such terrible Things as these I have talked
of; I say, I repented my Rashness in venturing to abide in Town: I
wish'd often, that I had not taken upon me to stay, but had gone away
with my Brother and his Family.
Terrified by those frightful Objects, I would retire Home sometimes,
and resolve to go out no more, and perhaps I would keep
those Resolutions for three or four Days, which Time I spent in the
most serious Thankfulness for my Preservation, and the
Preservation of my Family, and the constant Confession of my Sins,
giving my self up to God every Day, and applying to him with Fasting,
Humiliation, and Meditation: Such Intervals as I had, I employed in
reading Books, and in writing down my Memorandums of what occurred to
me every Day, and out of which, afterwards, I took most of this Work as
it relates to my Observations without Doors: What I wrote of my private
Meditations I reserve for private Use, and desire it may not be made
publick on any Account whatever.
I also wrote other Meditations upon Divine Subjects, such as occurred
to me at that Time, and were profitable to my self, but not fit for any
other View, and therefore I say no more of that.
I had a very good Friend, a Physician, whose Name was Heath, who I
frequently visited during this dismal Time, and to whose Advice I was
very much oblig'd for many Things which he directed me to take, by way
of preventing the Infection when I went out, as he found I frequently
did, and to hold in my Mouth when I was in the Streets; he also came
very often to see me, and as he was a good Christian, as well as a good
Physician, his agreeable Conversation was a very great Support to me in
the worst of this terrible Time.
It was now the Beginning of August, and the Plague grew very
violent
and terrible in the Place where I liv'd, and Dr. Heath coming to visit
me, and finding that I ventured so often out in the Streets, earnestly
perswaded me to lock my self up and my Family, and not to suffer any of
us to go out of Doors; to keep all our Windows fast,
Shutters and Curtains close, and never to open them; but first, to make
a very strong Smoke in the Room, where the Window, or Door was to be
opened, with Rozen and Pitch, Brimstone, or Gunpowder, and the like;
and we did this for some Time: But as I had not laid in a Store of
Provision for such a retreat, it was impossible that we could keep
within Doors entirely; however, I attempted, 'tho it was so very late,
to do something towards it; and first, as I had Convenience both for
Brewing and Baking, I went and bought two Sacks of Meal, and for
several Weeks, having an Oven, we baked all our own Bread; also I
bought Malt, and brew'd as much Beer as all the Casks I had would hold,
and which seem'd enough to serve my House for five or six Weeks; also I
laid in a Quantity of Salt-butter and Cheshire Cheese; but I
had no
Flesh-meat, and the Plague raged so violently among the Butchers, and
Slaughter-Houses, on the other side of our Street, where they are known
to dwell in great Numbers, that it was not advisable, so much as to go
over the Street among them.
And here I must observe again, that this Necessity of going out of our
Houses to buy Provisions, was in a great Measure the Ruin of the whole
City, for the People catch'd the Distemper, on these Occasions,
one of another, and even the Provisions themselves were often tainted,
at least I have great Reason to believe so; and therefore I cannot say
with Satisfaction what I know is repeated with great Assurance, that
the Market People, and such as brought Provisions, to Town, were never
infected: I am certain, the Butchers of White-Chapel,
where the
greatest Part of the Flesh-meat was killed, were dreadfully visited,
and that at last to such a Degree, that few of their Shops
were kept open, and those that remain'd of them, kill'd their Meat at Mile-End,
and that Way, and brought it to Market upon Horses.
However, the poor People could not lay up Provisions, and there was a
necessity, that they must go to Market to buy, and others to send
Servants or their Children; and as this was a Necessity which renew'd
it self daily; it brought abundance of unsound People to the Markets,
and a great many that went thither Sound, brought Death Home with them.
It is true, People us'd all possible Precaution, when any one bought a
Joint of Meat in the Market, they would not take it out of the Butchers
Hand, but take it off the Hooks themselves. On the other Hand, the
Butcher would not touch the Money, but have it put into a Pot full of
Vinegar which he kept for that purpose. The Buyer carry'd always small
Money to make up any odd Sum, that they might take no Change. They
carry'd Bottles for Scents, and Perfumes in their Hands, and all the
Means that could be us'd, were us'd: But then the Poor cou'd not do
even these things, and they went at all Hazards.
Innumerable dismal Stories we heard every Day on this very Account:
Sometimes a Man or Woman dropt down Dead in the very Markets; for many
People that had the Plague upon them, knew nothing of it; till the
inward Gangreen had affected their Vitals and they dy'd in a few
Moments; this caus'd, that many died frequently in that Manner in the
Streets suddainly, without any Warning: Others perhaps had Time to go
to the next Bulk or Stall; or to any Door, Porch, and just sit down and
die, as I have said before.
These Objects were so frequent in the Streets, that when the Plague
came to be very raging, On one Side, there was scarce any passing by
the Streets, but that several dead Bodies would be lying here and there
upon the Ground; on the other hand it is observable, that tho' at
first, the People would stop as they went along, and call to the
Neighbours to come out on such an Occasion; yet, afterward, no Notice
was taken of them; but that, if at any Time we found a Corps lying, go
cross the Way, and not come near it; or if in a narrow Lane or Passage,
go back again, and seek some other Way to go on the Business we were
upon; and in those Cases, the Corps was always left, till the Officers
had notice, to come and take them away; or till Night, when the Bearers
attending the Dead-Cart would take them up, and carry them away: Nor
did those undaunted Creatures, who performed these Offices, fail to
search their Pockets, and sometimes strip off their Cloths, if they
were well drest, as sometimes they were, and carry off what they could
get. But to return to the Markets; the Butchers took that Care, that if
any Person dy'd in the Market, they had the Officers always at Hand, to
take them up upon Hand-barrows, and carry them to the next Church-Yard;
and this was so frequent that such were not entred in the weekly Bill,
found Dead in the Streets or Fields, as is the Case now; but they went
into the general Articles of the great Distemper.
But now the Fury of the Distemper encreased to such a Degree, that even
the Markets were but very thinly furnished with Provisions, or
frequented with Buyers, compar'd to what they were before; and the
Lord-Mayor caused the Country-People who brought Provisions, to be
stop'd in the Streets leading into the Town, and to sit down there with
their Goods, where they sold what they
brought, and went immediately away; and this Encourag'd the Country
People greatly to do so, for they sold their Provisions at the very
Entrances into the Town, and even in the Fields; as particularly in the
Fields beyond White-Chappel, in Spittle-fields. Note, Those
Streets
now called Spittle-fields, were then indeed open Fields; Also in
St. George's-fields in Southwark, in Bun-Hill
Fields, and in a great Field,
call'd Wood's-Close near Islington; thither the
Lord-Mayor, Aldermen,
and Magistrates, sent their Officers and Servants to buy for their
Families, themselves keeping within Doors as much as possible; and the
like did many other People; and after this Method was taken, the
Country People came with gieat chearfulness, and brought Provisions of
all Sorts, and very seldom got any harm; which I suppose, added
also to that Report of their being Miraculously preserv'd.
As for my little Family, having thus as I have said, laid in a Store of
Bread, Butter, Cheese, and Beer, I took my Friend and Physician's
Advice, and lock'd myself up, and my Family, and resolv'd to suffer the
Hardship of living a few Months without Flesh-Meat, rather than to
purchase it at the hazard of our Lives.
But tho' I confin'd my Family, I could not prevail upon my
unsatisfy'd Curiosity to stay within entirely my self; and tho' I
generally came frighted and terrified Home, yet I cou'd not restrain;
only that indeed, I did not do it so frequently as at first.
I had some little Obligations indeed upon me, to go to my Brothers
House, which was in Coleman's-street Parish, and which he had
left to
my Care, and I went at first every Day, but afterwards only once, or
twice a Week.
In these Walks I had many dismal Scenes before my Eyes, as particularly
of Persons falling dead in the Streets, terrible Shrieks and Skreekings
of Women, who in their Agonies would throw open their Chamber
Windows, and cry out in a dismal Surprising Manner; it is
impossible to describe the Variety of Postures, in which the Passions
of the poor People would Express themselves.
Passing thro' Token-House-Yard in. Lothbury, of a
sudden a
Casement violently opened just over my Head, and a Woman gave three
frightful Skreetches, and then cry'd, Oh! Death, Death, Death!
in a
most inimitable Tone, and which struck me with Horror and a Chilness,
in my very Blood. There was no Body to be seen in the whole Street,
neither did any other Window open; for People had no Curiosity now in
any Case; nor could any Body help one another; so I went on to pass
into Bell-Alley.
Just in Bell-Alley, on the right-Hand of the Passage, there was
a more
terrible Cry than that, tho' it was not so directed out at the Window,
but the whole Family was in a terrible Fright, and I could hear Women
and Children run skreaming about the Rooms like distracted, when a
Garret Window opened, and some body from a Window on the other Side the
Alley, call'd and ask'd, What is the Matter? upon which, from
the first
Window it was answered, O Lord, my Old Master has hang'd
himself!
The other asked again, Is he quite dead? and the first
answer'd, Ay,
ay; quite dead; quite dead and cold! This Person was a Merchant,
and a
Deputy Alderman and very rich. I care not to mention the Name, tho' I
knew his Name too, but that would be an Hardship to the Family, which
is now flourishing again.
But, this is but one; it is scarce credible what dreadful Cases
happened in particular Families every Day; People in the
Rage of the Distemper, or in the Torment of their Swellings, which was
indeed intollerable, running out of their own Government, raving and
distracted, and oftentimes laying violent Hands upon themselves,
throwing themselves out at their Windows, shooting themselves, &c.
Mothers murthering their own Children, in their Lunacy, some dying
of meer Grief, as a Passion, some of meer Fright and Surprize, without
any Infection at all; others frighted into Idiotism, and foolish
Distractions, some into dispair and Lunacy; others into mellancholy
Madness.
The Pain of the Swelling was in particular very violent, and to
some intollerable; the Physicians and Surgeons may be said to have
tortured many poor Creatures even to Death. The Swellings in some grew
hard, and they apply'd violent drawing Plasters, or Pultices, to break
them; and if these did not do, they cut and scarified them in a
terrible Manner: In some, those Swellings were made hard, partly by the
Force of the Distemper, and partly by their being too violently drawn,
and were so hard, that no Instrument could cut them, and then they
burnt them with Causticks, so that many died raving mad with the
Torment; and some in the very Operation. In these Distresses, some
for want of Help to hold them down in their Beds, or to look to them,
laid Hands upon themselves, as above. Some broke out into the Streets,
perhaps naked, and would run directly down to the River, if they were
not stopt by the Watchmen, or other Officers, and plunge themselves
into the Water, wherever they found it.
It often pierc'd my very Soul to hear the Groans and Crys of those who
were thus tormented, but of the Two, this was counted the most
promising Particular in the whole Infection;
for, if these Swellings could be brought to a Head, and to break and
run, or as the Surgeons call it, to digest, the Patient generally
recover'd; whereas those, who like the Gentlewoman's Daughter,
were Struck with Death at the Beginning, and had the Tokens come out
upon them, often went about indifferent easy, till a little before they
died, and some till the Moment they dropt down, as in Apoplexies and
Epilepsies, is often the Case; such would be taken suddenly very sick,
and would run to a Bench or Bulk, or any convenient Place that offer'd
it self, or to their own Houses, if possible, as I mentioned
before, and there sit down, grow faint and die. This kind of dying
was
much the same, as it was with those who die of common Mortifications,
who die swooning, and as it were, go away in a Dream; such as died
thus, had very little Notice of their being infected at all, till
the Gangreen was spread thro' their whole Body; nor could Physicians
themselves, know certainly how it was with them, till they opened
their Breasts, or other Parts of their Body, and saw the Tokens. We had
at this Time a great many frightful Stories told us of Nurses and
Watchmen, who looked after the dying People, that is to say,
hir'd
Nurses, who attended infected People, using them barbarously, starving
them, smothering them, or by other wicked Means, hastening their End, that
is to say, murthering of them: And Watchmen being set
to guard
Houses that were shut up, when there has been but one person left, and
perhaps, that one lying sick, that they have broke in and
murthered that Body, and immediately thrown them out into the
Dead-Cart! and so they have gone scarce cold to the Grave.
I cannot say, but that some such Murthers were committed, and I
think two were sent to Prison for it, but died before they could be
try'd; and I have heard that three others, at several Times, were
excused for Murthers of that kind; but I must say I believe
nothing of its being so common a Crime, as some have since been pleas'd
to say, nor did it seem to be so rational, where the People were
brought so low as not to be able to help themselves, for such seldom
recovered, and there was no Temptation to commit a Murther, at least,
none equal to the Fact, where they were sure Persons would die in so
short a Time; and could not live.
That there were a great many Robberies and wicked Practices committed
even in this dreadful Time I do not deny; the Power of Avarice was so
strong in some, that they would run any Hazard to steal and to plunder,
and particularly in Houses where all the Families, or Inhabitants
have been dead, and carried out, they would break in at all Hazards,
and without Regard to the Danger of Infection, take even the Cloths
off, of the dead Bodies, and the Bed-cloaths from others where they lay
dead.
This, I suppose, must be the Case of a Family in Houndsditch;
where a
Man and his Daughter, the rest of the Family being, as I supoose,
carried away before by the Dead-Cart, were found stark naked, one
in
one Chamber, and one in another, lying dead on the Floor; and the
Cloths of the Beds, from whence, 'tis supposed they were roll'd off by
Thieves, stoln, and carried quite away. It is indeed to be observ'd,
that the Women were in all this Calamity, the most rash, fearless, and
desperate Creatures; and as there were vast Numbers that went about as
Nurses, to tend those that were sick, they committed a great many
petty Thieveries in the Houses where they were employed; and some of
them were publickly whipt for
it, when perhaps, they ought rather to have been hanged for Examples;
for Numbers of Houses were robbed on these Occasions, till at length,
the Parish Officers were sent to recommend Nurses to the Sick, and
always took an Account who it was they sent, so as that they might call
them to account, if the House had been abused where they were placed.
But these Robberies extended chiefly to Wearing-Cloths, Linen, and what
Rings, or Money they could come at, when the Person dyed who was under
their Care, but not to a general Plunder of the Houses; and I could
give an Account of one of these Nurses, who several Years after, being
on her Death-bed, confest with the utmost Horror, the Robberies she had
committed at the Time of her being a Nurse, and by which she had
enriched her self to a great Degree: But as for murthers, I do not find
that there was ever any Proof of the Facts, in the manner, as it has
been reported, except as above.
They did tell me indeed of a Nurse in one place, that laid a wet Cloth
upon the Face of a dying Patient, who she tended, and so put an End to
his Life, who was just expiring before: And another that smother'd a
young Woman she was looking to, when she was in a fainting fit, and
would have come to her self: Some that kill'd them by giving them one
Thing, some another, and some starved them by giving them nothing at
all: But these Stories had two Marks of Suspicion that always
attended them, which caused me always to slight them, and to look
on them as meer Stories, that People continually frighted one
another with, (1.) That wherever it was that we heard it, they always
placed the Scene at the farther End of the Town, opposite, or most
remote from where you were
to hear it: If you heard it in White-Chapel, it had happened at
St. Giles's, or at Westminster, or Holborn, or
that End of the Town; if you
heard of it at that End of the Town, then it was done in White-Chapel,
or the Minories, or about Cripplegate Parish: If you
heard of it in the
City, why, then it happened in Southwark; and if you heard of
it in Southwark, then it was done in the City, and the like.
In the next Place, of what Part soever you heard the Story, the
Particulars were always the same, especially that of laying a wet
double Clout on a dying Man's Face, and that of smothering a young
Gentlewoman; so that it was apparent, at least to my Judgment, that
there was more of Tale than of Truth in those Things.
However, I cannot say, but it had some Effect upon the People, and
particularly that, as I said before, they grew more cautious
who they
took into their Houses, and who they trussed their Lives with; and had
them always recommended, if they could; and where they could not
find such, for they were not very plenty,they applied to the Parish
Officers.
But here again, the Misery of that Time lay upon the Poor, who being
infected, had neither Food or Physick; neither Physician or Apothecary
to assist them, or Nurse to attend them: Many of those died calling for
help, and even for Sustenance out at their Windows, in a most miserable
and deplorable manner; but it must be added, that whenever the Cases of
such Persons or Families, were represented to my Lord-Mayor, they
always were reliev'd.
It is true, in some Houses where the People were not very poor; yet,
where they had sent perhaps their Wives and Children away; and if they
had any Servants, they had been dismist; I
say, it is true, that to save the Expences, many such as these shut
themselves in, and not having Help, dy'd alone.
A Neighbour and Acquaintance of mine, having some Money owing to him
from a Shopkeeper in White Cross-street, or there abouts, sent
his
Apprentice, a youth about 18 Years of Age, to endeavour to get the
Money: He came to the Door, and finding it shut, knockt pretty hard,
and as he thought, heard some Body answer within, but was not
sure, So he waited, and after some stay knockt again, and then a third
Time, when he heard some Body coming down Stairs.
At length the Man of the House came to the Door; he had on his Breeches
or Drawers, and a yellow Flannel Wastcoat; no Stockings, a pair of
Slipt-Shoes, a white Cap on his head, and as the young Man said, Death
in his Face.
When he open'd the Door, says he, what do you disturb me thus
for?
the Boy, tho' a little surpriz'd, reply'd, I come from such a one,
and
my Master sent me for the Money, which he says you know of. Very
well
Child, returns the living Ghost, call as you go by at
Cripplegate Church, and bid them ring the Bell, and with those
Words,
shut the Door
again, and went up again and Dy'd, the same Day; nay, perhaps the same
Hour. This, the young Man told me himself, and I have Reason to believe
it. This was while the Plague was not come to a Height: I think it was
in June; Towards the latter End of the Month, it must be before the
Dead Carts came about, and while they used the Ceremony of Ringing the
Bell for the Dead, which was over for certain, in that Parish at least,
before the Month of July; for by the 25th of July,
there died 550 and upward in a Week, and then they cou'd no more bury
in
Form, Rich or Poor.
I have mention'd above, that notwithstanding this dreadful Calamity;
yet the Numbers of Thieves were abroad upon all Occasions, where they
had found any Prey; and that these were generally Women. It was one
Morning about 11 a Clock, I had walk'd out to my Brothers House in Coleman's-street
Parish, as I often did, to see that all
was Safe.
My Brother's House had a little Court before it, and a Brick-Wall and a
Gate in it; and within that, several Ware-houses, where his Goods of
several Sorts lay: It happen'd, that in one of these Ware-houses, were
several Packs of Womens high-Crown'd Hats, which came out of the
Country; and were, as I suppose, for Exportation; whither I know
not.
I was surpriz'd that when I came near my Brother's Door, which was in a
Place they call'd Swan-Alley, I met three or four Women with
High-crown'd Hats on their Heads; and as I remembred afterwards, one,
if not more, had some Hats likewise in their Hands: but as I did not
see them come out at my Brother's Door, and not knowing that my Brother
had any such Goods in his Ware-house, I did not offer to say any Thing
to them, but went cross the Way to shun meeting them, as was usual to
do at that Time, for fear of the Plague. But when I came nearer to the
Gate, I met another Woman with more Hats come out of the Gate. What
Business, Mistress, said I, have you had there? There are
more
People there, said she, I have had no more Business there than
they. I was hasty to get to the Gate then, and said no more to her; by
which means she got away. But just as I came to the Gate, I saw two
more coming cross the Yard to come out with Hats also on their Heads,
and under their Arms;
at which I threw the Gate to behind me which having a Spring Lock
fastened it self; and turning to the Women, forsooth said I, what are
ye doing here? and seiz'd upon the Hats, and took them from
them. One
of them, who I confess, did not look like a Thief, indeed, says she, we
are wrong; but we were told, they were Goods that had no Owner; be
pleas'd to take them again, and look yonder, there are more such
Customers as we: She cry'd and look'd pitifully; so I took the Hats
from her, and opened the Gate, and bad them be gone, for I pity'd the
Women indeed; But when I look'd towards the Ware-house, as she
directed, there were six or seven more, all Women, fitting themselves
with Hats, as unconcerned and quiet, as if they had been at a Hatters
Shop, buying for their Money.
I was surpriz'd, not at the sight of so many Thieves only, but at the
Circumstances I was in; being now to thrush my self in among so many
People, who for some Weeks, had been so shye of my self, that if I met
any Body in the Street, I would cross the Way from them.
They were equally surpriz'd, tho' on another Account: They all
told me, they were Neighbours, that they had heard any one might take
them, that they were no Bodies Goods, and the like. I talk't big to
them at first; went back to the Gate, and took out the Key; so that
they were all my Prisoners; threaten'd to Lock them all into the
Ware-house, and go and fetch my Lord Mayor's Officers for them.
They beg'd heartily, protested they found the Gate open, and the
Ware-house Door open; and that it had no doubt been broken open by
some, who expected to find Goods of greater Value; which indeed, was
reason-able to believe, because the Lock was broke, and a Padlock
that
hung to the Door on the out-side also loose; and not abundance of the
Hats carry'd away.
At length I consider'd, that this was not a Time to be Cruel and
Rigorous; and besides that, it would necessarily oblige me to go
much about, to have several People come to me, and I go to
several, whose Circumstances of Health, I knew nothing of; and
that even, at this Time the Plague was so high, as that there dy'd 4000
a Week; so that in showing my Resentment, or even in seeking Justice
for my Brother's Goods, I might lose my own Life; so I contented my
self, with taking the Names and Places where some of them lived, who
were really Inhabitants in the Neighbourhood; and threatning that my
Brother should call them to an Account for it, when he return'd to
his Habitation.
Then I talk'd a little upon another Foot with them; and ask'd them how
they could do such Things as these, in the Time of such general
Calamity; and as it were, in the Face of Gods most dreadful Judgments,
when the Plague was at their very Doors; and it may be in their very
Houses; and they did not know, but that the Dead-Cart might stop at
their Doors in a few Hours, to carry them to their Graves.
I cou'd not perceive that my Discourse made much Impression upon them
all that while; till it happened, that there came two Men of the
Neighbourhood, hearing of the Disturbance, and knowing my Brother,
for they had been both dependants upon his Family, and they came to my
Assistance: These being as I said Neighbours, presently knew three of
the Women, and told me who they were, and where they liv'd; and it
seems, they had given me a true Account of themselves before.
This brings these two Men to a farther Remembrance: The Name of one was
John Hayward, who was at that Time under-Sexton, of the
Parish of St.
Stephen Coleman-street; by under-Sexton, was understood at that
Time
Grave-digger and Bearer of the Dead. This Man carry'd or assisted to
carry all the Dead to the Graves, which were bury'd in that large
Parish, and who were carried in Form; and after that Form of Burying
was stopt, went with the Dead-Cart and the Bell, to fetch the
dead Bodies from the Houses where they lay, and fetch'd many of them
out of the Chambers and Houses; for the Parish was, and is still
remarkable, particularly above all the Parishes in London, for
a great
Number of Alleys, and Thoroughfares very long, into which no Carts
cou'd come, and where they were oblig'd to go and fetch the Bodies a
very long Way; which Alleys now remain to Witness it; such as Whites-Alley,
Cross-Key-Court, Swan-Alley,
Bell-Alley,
White-Horse-Alley, and many more: Here they went with a kind of
Hand-Barrow, and lay'd the Dead Bodies on it, and carry'd them out to
the Carts; which work he performed, and never had the Distemper at all,
but lived about 20 Year after it, and was Sexton of the Parish to the
Time of his Death. His Wife at the same time was a Nurse to infected
People, and tended many that died in the Parish, being for her honesty
recommended by the Parish Officers, yet she never was infected neither.
He never used any Preservative against the Infection, other than
holding Garlick and Rue in his Mouth, and smoaking
Tobacco; this I also
had from his own Mouth; and his Wife's Remedy was washing her Head in
Vinegar, and sprinkling her Head-Cloths so with Vinegar, as to
keep them always Moist; and if the smell of any of those she waited on
was more than ordinary Offensive, she snuft Vinegar up her Nose, and
sprinkled Vinegar upon her
Head-Cloths, and held a Handkerchief wetted with Vinegar to her Mouth.
It must be confest, that tho' the Plague was chiefly among the Poor;
yet, were the Poor the most Venturous and Fearless of it, and went
about their Employment, with a Sort of brutal Courage; I must: call it
so, for it was founded neither on Religion or Prudence; scarce did they
use any Caution, but run into any Business, which they could get
Employment in, tho' it was the most hazardous; such was that of tending
the Sick, watching Houses shut up, carrying infected Persons to the
Pest-House; and which was still worse, carrying the Dead away to their
Graves.
It was under this John Hayward's Care, and within his Bounds,
that the
Story of the Piper, with which People have made themselves so
merry, happen'd, and he assur'd me that it was true. It is said, that
it was a blind Piper; but as John told me, the Fellow was not blind,
but an ignorant weak poor Man, and usually walked his Rounds about 10 a
Clock at Night, and went piping along from Door to Door, and the People
usually took him in at Public Houses where they knew him, and would
give him Drink and Victuals, and sometimes Farthings; and he in Return,
would Pipe and Sing, and talk simply, which diverted the People, and
thus he liv'd: It was but a very bad Time for this Diversion, while
Things were as I have told; yet the poor Fellow went about as usual,
but was almost starv'd; and when any Body ask'd how he did, he would
answer, the Dead Cart had not taken him yet, but that they had promised
to call for him next Week.
It happen'd one Night, that this poor Fellow, whether some body had
given him too much Drink or' no, John Hayward said, he
had not Drink in his House; but that they had given him a little more
Victuals than ordinary at a Public House in Coleman-street; and
the
poor Fellow having not usually had a Belly-full, or perhaps not a good
while, was laid all along upon the Top of a Bulk or Stall, and fast a
sleep at a Door, in the Street near London-Wall, towards Cripplegate,
and that upon the same Bulk or Stall, the
People of some
House, in the Alley of which the House was a Corner, hearing a Bell,
which they always rung
before the Cart came, had laid a Body really dead of the Plague just by
him, thinking too, that this poor Fellow had been a dead Body as the
other was, and laid there by some of the Neighbours.
Accordingly when John Hayward with his Bell and the Cart came
along,
finding two dead Bodies lie upon the Stall, they took them up with the
Instrument they used, and threw them into the Cart; and all this while
the Piper slept soundly.
From hence they passed along,and took in other dead Bodies, till, as
honest John Hayward told me, they almost burried him alive, in
the
Cart, yet all this While he slept soundly; at length the Cart came to
the Place where the Bodies were to be thrown into the Ground, which, as
I do remember, was at Mount-mill; and as the Cart usually stopt
some
Time before they were ready to shoot out the melancholly Load they had
in it, as soon as the Cart stop'd, the Fellow awaked, and
struggled a little to get his Head out from among the dead Bodies, when
raising himself up in the Cart, he called out, Hey! where am I!
This
frighted the Fellow that attended about the Work, but after some Pause John
Hayward recovering himself said, Lord bless us.
There's some Body in the Cart not quite dead! So another call'd to
him and said, Who are you? The Fellow
answered, I am the poor Piper. Where am I? Where are you! says Hayward;
why, you are in the Dead-Cart, and we are a-going to bury you.
But I am not
dead tho', am I? says the Piper; which made them laugh a little,
tho'
as John said, they were heartily frighted at first; so they help'd the
poor Fellow down, and he went about his Business.
I know the Story goes, he set up his Pipes in the Cart, and frighted
the Bearers, and others, so that they ran away; but John Hayward
did
not tell the Story so, nor say any Thing of his Piping at all; but that
he was a poor Piper, and that he was carried away as above I am fully
satisfied of the Truth of.
It is to be noted here, that the Dead Carts in the City were not
confin'd to particular Parishes, but one Cart went thro' several
Parishes, according as the Numbers of Dead presented; nor were they
ty'd to carry the Dead to their respective Parishes, but many of the
Dead, taken up in the City, were carried to the Burying-Ground in the
Out-parts, for want of Room.
I have already mentioned the Surprize, that this Judgment was at first
among the People, I must be allowed to give some of my
Observations
on the more serious and religious Part. Surely never City, at
least, of this Bulk and Magnitude, was taken in a Condition so
perfectly unprepar'd for such a dreadful Visitation, whether I am
to speak of the Civil Preparations, or Religious; they were indeed, as
if they had had no Warning, no Expectation, no Apprehensions, and
consequently the least Provision imaginable, was made for it in a
publick Way; for Example,
The Lord Mayor and Sheriffs had made no Provision as Magistrates, for
the Regulations which were to be observed; they had gone into no
Measures for Relief of the Poor.
The Citizens had no publick Magazines, or Store-Houses for Corn, or
Meal, for the Subsistence of the Poor; which, if they had provided
themselves, as in such Cases is done abroad, many miserable Families,
who were now reduc'd to the utmost Distress, would have been reliev'd,
and that in a better Manner, than now could be done.
The Stock of the City's Money, I can say but little to, the Chamber
of London was said to be exceeding rich; and it may be
concluded, that
they were so, by the vast Sums of Money issued from thence, in the
rebuilding the publick Edifices after the Fire of London, and
in
Building new Works, such as, for the first Part, the Guild-Hall,
Blackwell-Hall, Part of Leaden-Hall, half the Exchange,
the Session-House, the Compter, the Prisons of Ludgate,
Newgate, &c.
several of the Wharfs, and Stairs, and Landing-places on the River; all
which were either burnt down or damaged by the great Fire of London,
the next Year after the Plague; and of the second Sort, the
Monument, Fleet-ditch with its Bridges, and the Hospital
of Bethlem or Bedlam, &c. But possibly the
Managers of the City's
Credit, at that Time, made more Conscience of breaking in upon the
Orphan's Money; to shew Charity to the distressed Citizens, than the
Manager's in the following Years did, to beautify the City, and
re-edify the Buildings, tho' in the first Case, the Losers would have
thought their Fortunes better bestow'd, and the Publick Faith of the
City have been less subjected to Scandal and Reproach.
It must be acknowledg'd that the absent Citizens, who, tho' they were
fled for Safety into the Country, were yet greatly interested in the
Welfare of those whom they left behind, forgot not to contribute
liberally to the Relief of the Poor, and large Sums were also collected
among Trading-Towns in the remotest Parts of England; and as I
have heard also, the Nobility and the Gentry, in all Parts of England,
took the deplorable Condition of the City into their Consideration, and
sent up large Sums of Money in Charity, to the Lord Mayor and
Magistrates, for the Relief of the Poor; the King also, as I was told,
ordered a thousand Pounds a Week to be distributed in four Parts; one
Quarter to the City and Liberties of Westminster: one Quarter,
or Part, among the Inhabitants of the Southwark Side of the
Water; one Quarter to the Liberty and Parts within, of the City,
exclusive of the City, within the Walls; and, one fourth Part to the
Suburbs in the County of Middlesex, and the East and North
Parts of the City: But this latter I only speak of as a Report.
Certain it is, the greatest Part of the Poor, or Families, who formerly
liv'd by their Labour, or by Retail-Trade, liv'd now on Charity; and
had there not been prodigious Sums of Money given by charitable,
well-minded Christians, for the Support of such, the City could
never have subsisted. There were, no Question, Accounts kept of their
Charity, and of the just Distribution of it by the Magistrates: But as
such Multitudes of those very Officers died, thro' whose Hands it
was distributed; and also that, as I have been told, most of the
Accounts of those Things were lost in the great Fire which
happened in the very next Year, and which burnt even the
Chamberlain's Office, and many of their Papers; so I could never come
at the particular Account, which I used great Endeavours to have seen.
It may, however, be a Direction in Case of the Approach of a like
Visitation, which God keep the City from; I say, it may be of use to
observe, that by the Care of the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, at that Time,
in distributing Weekly, great Sums of Money, for Relief of the
Poor, a Multitude of People, who would otherwise have perished, were
relieved, and their Lives preservd. And here let me enter into a brief
State of the Case of the Poor at that Time, and what Way apprehended
from them, from whence may be judged hereafter, what may be expected,
if the like Distress should come upon the City.
At the Beginning of the Plague, when there was now no more Hope, but
that the whole City would be visited, when, as I have said, all that
had Friends or Estates in the Country, retired with their Families; and
when, indeed, one would have thought the very City itself was
running out of the Gates, and that there would be no Body left behind;
you may be sure, from that Hour, all Trade, except such as related to
immediate Subsistence, was, as it were, at a full Stop.
This is so lively a Case, and contains in it so much of the real
Condition of the People; that I think, I cannot be too particular in
it; and therefore I descend to the several Arrangements or Classes of
People, who fell into immediate Distress upon this Occasion: For
Example,
1. All Master Work-men in Manufactures; especially
such as belong'd to
Ornament, and the less necessary Parts of the Peoples dress, Cloths,
and Furniture for Houses; such as Riband Weavers, and other Weavers;
Gold and Silverlace-makers, and Gold and Silver-wyer-drawers,
Seamstresses, Milleners, Shoe-makers, Hat-makers and Glove-makers:
Also Upholsterers, Joyners, Cabinet-makers,
Looking-glass-makers; and innumerable Trades which depend upon
such as these; I say the Master Workmen in such, stopt their Work,
dismist their Journeymen, and Workmen, and all their Dependants.
2. As Merchandizing was at a full stop, for very few Ships
ven-ur'd to come up
the River, and none at all went out; so all the extraordinary Officers
of the Customes, likewise the Watermen, Carmen, Porters, and all the
Poor, whose Labour depended upon the Merchants, were at once dismist,
and put out of Business.
3. All the Tradesmen usually employ'd in building or
repareing of
Houses, were at a full Stop, for the People were far from wanting to
build Houses, when so many thousand Houses were at once stript of their
Inhabitants; so that this one Article turn'd all the ordinary Workmen
of that Kind out of Business; such as Brick-layers, Masons,
Carpenters, Joyners, Plasterers, Painters, Glaziers, Smiths,
Plumbers; and all the Labourers depending on such.
4. As Navigation was at a Stop; our Sbips neither coming
in,or going out
as before; so the Seamen were all out of Employment, and many of
them in the last and lowest Degree of Distress, and with the
Seamen, were all the several Tradesmen, and Workmen belonging to and
depending upon the building, and fitting out of Ships; such as
Ship-Carpenters, Caulkers. Rope-makers, Dry-Coopers, Sail-makers,
Anchor-smiths, and other Smiths; Block-makers, Carvers, Gunsmiths,
Ship-chandlers, Ship-carvers and the like; the Matters of those perhaps
might live upon their Substance; but the Traders were Universally at a
Stop, and consequently all their Workmen discharged: Add to these,
that the River was in a manner without Boats, and all or most part
of the Watermen, Lightermen, Boat-builders, and Lighter-builders in
like manner idle, and laid by.
5. All Families retrenched their living as much as possible,
as well
those that fled, as those that Stay'd; so that an innumerable
Multitude of Footmen, serving Men, Shopkeepers, Journey-men,
Merchants-Book-keepers, and such Sort of People, and especially poor
Maid Servants were turn'd off, and left Friendless and Helpless without
Employment, and without Habitation; and this was really a dismal
Article.
I might be more particular as to this Part: But it may suffice to
mention in general; all Trades being stopt, Employment ceased; the
Labour, and by that, the Bread of the Poor were cut off; and at first
indeed, the Cries of the poor were most lamentable to hear; tho' by the
Distribution of Charity, their Misery that way was greatly abated:
Many indeed fled into the Countries; but thousands of them having
stay'd in London, till nothing but Desperation sent them away;
Death
overtook them on the Road, and they serv'd for no better than the
Messengers of Death; indeed, others carrying the Infection along
with them, spreading it very unhappily into the remotest Parts of
the Kingdom.
Many of these were the miserable Objects of Dispair which I have
mentioned before, and were remov'd by the Destruction which followed;
these might be said to perish, not by the Infection it self, but
by the Consequence of it; indeed, namely, by Hunger and Distress, and
the Want of all Things; being without Lodging, without Money, without
Friends, without Means to get their Bread, or without any one to give
it them, for many of them were without what we call legal Settlements,
and so could not claim of the Parishes, and all the Support they had,
was by Application to the Magistrates for Relief, which Relief was, (to
give the Magistrates their Due) carefully and chearfully administred,
as they found it necessary; and those that stay'd behind never felt the
Want and Distress of that Kind, which they felt, who went away in the
manner above-noted.
Let any one who is acquainted with what Multitudes of People, get their
daily Bread in this City by their Labour, whether Artificers or
meer Workmen; I say, let any Man consider, what musi be the miserable
Condition of this Town, if on a sudden, they should be all turned out
of Employment, that Labour should cease, and Wages for Work be no more.
This was the Case with us at that Time, and had not the Sums of Money,
contributed in Charity by well-disposed People, of every Kind, as well
abroad as at home, been prodigiously great, it had not been in the
Power of the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs, to have kept the Publick Peace;
nor were they without Apprehensions as it was, that Desperation should
push the People upon Tumults, and cause them to rifle the Houses of
rich Men, and plunder the Markets of Provisions; in which Case the
Country People, who brought Provisions very freely and boldly to Town,
would ha' been terrified from coming any more, and the Town would ha'
sunk under an unavoidable Famine.
But the Prudence of my Lord Mayor, and the Court of Aldermen within the
City, and of the Justices of Peace in the Out-parts, was such, and they
were supported with Money from all Parts so well, that the poor
People were kept quiet, and their Wants every where reliev'd, as far
as was possible to be done.
Two Things, besides this, contributed to prevent the Mob doing any
Mischief: One was, that really the Rich themselves had not laid up
Stores of Provisions in their Houses, as
indeed,they ought to have done, and which if they had been wise enough
to have done, and lock'd themselves entirely up, as some few did, they
had perhaps escaped the Disease better: But as it appear'd they
had not, so the Mob had no Notion of finding Stores of Provisions
there, if they had broken in, as it is plain they were sometimes very
near doing, and which, if they had, they had finish'd the Ruin of the
whole City, for there were no regular Troops to ha' withstood them, nor
could the Traind-Bands have been brought together to defend the City,
no Men being to be found to bear Arms.
But the Vigilance of the Lord Mayor, and such Magistrates as
could be had, for some, even of the Aldermen were dead, and some
absent, prevented this; and they did it by the most kind and gentle
Methods they could think of, as particularly by relieving the most
desperate with Money, and putting others into Business, and
particularly that Employment of watching Houses that were infected
and shut up; and as the Number of these were very great, for it was
said, there was at one Time, ten thousand Houses shut up, and every
House had two Watchmen to guard it, viz. one by Night, and the
other by
Day; this gave Opportunity to employ a very great Number of poor Men at
a Time.
The Women,and Servants, that were turned off from their Places, were
likewise employed as Nurses to tend the Sick in all Places; and this
took off a very great Number of them.
And, which tho' a melancholy Article in it self, yet was a Deliverance
in its Kind, namely, the Plague which raged in a dreadful Manner from
the Middle of August to the Middle of October, carried
off in that Time
thirty or forty Thousand of these very People, which had they been
left, would
certainly have been an unsufferable Burden, by their Poverty, that
is to say, the whole City could not have supported the Expence of them,
or have provided Food for them; and they would in Time have been
even driven to the Necessity of plundering either the City it self, or
the Country adjacent, to have subsisted themselves, which would first
or last, have put the whole Nation, as well as the City, into the
utmost Terror and Confusion.
It was observable then, that this Calamity of the People made them
very humble; for now, for about nine Weeks together, there died near a
thousand a-Day, one Day with another, even by the Account of the weekly
Bills,which yet I have Reason to be assur'd never gave a full Account,
by many thousands; the Confusion being such, and the Carts working in
the Dark, when they carried the Dead, that in some Places no Account at
all was kept, but they work'd on; the Clerks and Sextons not attending
for Weeks together, and not knowing what Number they carried. This
Account is verified by the following Bills of Mortality.
|
|
|
Of all
|
Diseases.
|
|
Of the |
Plague |
|
|
|
Aug. 8. to Aug.
15
|
- -
|
5319
|
- - - -
|
3880
|
|
|
|
to 22
|
- -
|
5568
|
- - - -
|
2437
|
|
|
|
to 29
|
- -
|
7496
|
- - - -
|
6102
|
|
|
|
Aug. 29 to Sept.
5
|
- -
|
8250
|
- - - -
|
6988
|
From |
|
|
to 12
|
- -
|
7690
|
- - - -
|
6544
|
|
|
|
to 19
|
- -
|
8297
|
- - - -
|
7165
|
|
|
|
to 26
|
- -
|
6460
|
- - - -
|
5533
|
|
|
|
Sept. 26 to Oct.
3
|
- -
|
5720
|
- - - -
|
4929
|
|
|
|
to 10
|
- -
|
5068
|
- - - -
|
4227
|
|
|
|
|
|
59870 |
|
49705
|
So that the Gross of the People were carried off in these two Months;
for as the whole Number which was brought in, to die of the Plague, was
but 68590, here is fifty thousand of them, within a Trifle, in two
Months; I say 50000, because, as there wants 295 in the Number above,
so there wants two Days of two Months, in the Account of Time.
Now when, I say, that the Parish Officers did not give in a full
Account, or were not to be depended upon for their Account, let any one
but consider how Men could be exact in such a Time of dreadful
Distress, and when many of them were taken sick themselves, and perhaps
died in the very Time when their Accounts were to be given in, I mean
the Parish-Clerks; besides inferior Officers; for tho' these poor Men
ventured at all Hazards, yet they were far from being exempt from
the common Calamity, especially if it be true, that the Parish of Stepney
had within the Year, one hundred and sixteen
Sextons,
Grave-diggers, and their Assistants, that is to say, Bearers, Bell-men,
and Drivers of Carts, for carrying off the dead Bodies.
Indeed the Work was not of a Nature to allow them Leisure, to take an
exact Tale of the dead Bodies, which were all huddled together in the
Dark into a Pit; which Pit, or Trench, no Man could come nigh, but at
the utmost Peril. I observ'd often, that in the Parishes of Algate
and Cripplegate, White-Chappel, and Stepney,
there was five, six,
seven, and eight hundred in a Week, in the Bills, whereas, if we may
believe the Opinion of those that liv'd in the City, all the Time, as
well as I, there died sometimes 2000 a-Week in those Parishes; and I
saw it Under the Hand of one, that made as strict an Examinaton into
that Part as he could, that there really died an hundred thousand
People of the Plague, in it that one Year, whereas the Bills, the
Articles of the Plague, was but 68590.
If I may be allowed to give my Opinion, by what I saw with my Eyes, and
heard from other People that were Eye Witnesses, I do verily believe
the same, viz. that there died, at least, 100,000 of the Plague only,
besides other Distempers, and besides those which died in the Fields,
and High-ways, and secret Places, out of the Compass of the
Communication, as it was called; and who were not put down in the
Bills, tho' they really belonged to the Body of the Inhabitants. It
was known to us all, that abundance of poor dispairing Creatures, who
had the Distemper upon them, and were grown stupid, or melancholly by
their Misery, as many were, wandred away into the Fields, and Woods,
and into secret uncouth Places, almost any where to creep into a Bush,
or Hedge, and DIE.
The Inhabitants of the Villages adjacent would in Pity, carry them
Food, and set it at a Distance, that they might fetch it, if they
were able, and sometimes they were not able; and the next Time they
went, they should find the poor Wretches lie dead, and the Food
untouch'd. The Number of these miserable Objects were many, and I
know so many that perish'd thus, and so exactly where, that I believe I
could go to the very Place and dig their Bones up still; for the
Country People would go and dig a Hole at a Distance from them, and
then with long Poles, and Hooks at the End of them, drag the Bodies
into these Pits, and then throw the Earth in Form as far as they
could cast it to cover them; taking notice how the Wind blew, and
so coming on that Side which the Seamen call to Wind-ward, that
the
Scent of the Bodies might blow from them; and thus great Numbers went
out of the World, who were never known or any Account of them taken, as
well within the
Bills of Mortality as without.
This indeed I had, in the main, only from the Relation of others;
for I seldom walk'd into the Fields, except towards Bednal-green
and Hackney; or as hereafter: But when I did walk I always saw
a great
many poor Wanderers at a Distance, but I could know little of
their Cases; for whether it were in the Street, or in the Fields, if we
had seen any Body coming, it was a general Method, to walk away; yet I
believe the Account is exactly true.
As this puts me into mentioning my walking the Streets and Fields, I
cannot omit taking Notice what a desolate Place the City was at that
Time: The great Street I liv'd in, which is known to be one of the
broadest of all the Streets of London, I mean of the Suburbs as
well as
the Liberties; all the Side where the Butchers lived, especially
without the Bars was more like a green Field than a paved Street, and
the People generally went in the middle with the Horses and Carts: It
is true, that the farthest End towards White Chappel Church,
was not
all pav'd, but even the Part that was pav'd was full of Grass
also; but this need not seem strange, since the great Streets within
the City, such as Leaden-ball-Slreet, Bishopsgate-Street, Cornhill and
even the Exchange itself, had Grass growing in them, in
several Places;
neither Cart or Coach were seen in the Streets from Morning to
Evening, except some Country Carts to bring Roots and Beans, or
Pease, Hay and Straw, to the Market, and those but very few, compared
to what was usual: As for Coaches they were scarce used, but to carry
sick People to the Pest-House,and to other Hospitals; and some few to
carry Physicians to such Places as they thought fit to venture to
visit; for really Coaches were dangerous things, and People did not
Care to venture into them, because they
did not know who might have been carried in them last; and sick
infected People were, as I have said, ordinarily carried in
them to the
Pest-Houses, and sometimes People expired in them as they went
along.
It is true, when the Infection came to such a Height as I have now
mentioned, there were very few Physicians, which car'd to stir abroad
to sick Houses, and very many of the most eminent of the Faculty were
dead as well as the Surgeons also, for now it was indeed a dismal time,
and for about a Month together, not taking any Notice of the Bills of
Mortality, I believe there did not die less than 1500 or 1700 a-Day,
one Day with another.
One of the worst Days we had in the whole Time, as I thought, was in
the Beginning of September, when indeed good People began
to
think, that God was resolved to make a full End of the People in this
miserable City. This was at that Time when the Plague was fully come
into the Eastern Parishes. The Parish of Algate, if I may give
my
Opinion, buried above a thousand a Week for two Weeks, tho' the Bills
did not say so many; but it surrounded me at so dismal a Rate,
that there was not a House in twenty uninfected; in the Minories,
in Hounds-ditch, and in those Parts of Algate Parish
about the
Butcher-Row, and the Alleys over against me, I say in those places
Death reign'd in every Corner. White Chapel Parish
was in the same Condition, and tho' much less than the Parish I liv'd
in; yet bury'd near 600 a Week by the Bills; and in my Opinion, near
twice as many; whole Families, and indeed, whole Streets of Families
were swept away together; insomuch, that it was frequent for
Neighbours to call to the Bellman, to go to such and such Houses, and
fetch out the People, for that they were all Dead.
And indeed, the Work of removing the dead Bodies by Carts, was now
grown so very odious and dangerous, that it was complain'd of, that the
Bearers did not take Care to clear such Houses, where all the
Inhabitants were dead; but that sometimes the Bodies lay several Days
unburied, till the neighbouring Families were offended with the Stench,
and consequently infect'd; and this Neglect of the Officers was
such, that the Church-Wardens and Constables were summon'd to look
after it; and even the Justices of the Hamlets, were oblig'd to
venture
their Lives among them, to quicken and encourage them; for innumerable
of the Bearers dy'd of the Distemper, infected by the Bodies they
were oblig'd to come so near; and had it not been, that the Number of
poor People who wanted Employment, and wanted Bread, (as I have said
before,) was so great, that Necessity drove them to undertake any
thing, and venture any thing, they would never have found People to be
employ'd; and then the Bodies of the dead wou'd have lain above Ground,
and have perished and rotted in a dreadful Manner.
But the Magistrates cannot be enough commended in this, that they kept
such good Order for the burying of the Dead, that as fast as any of
those they employ'd to carry off, and bury the Dead, fell sick or dy'd,
as was many Times the Case, they immediately supply'd the places with
others; which by reason of the great Number of Poor that was left out
of Business, as above, was not hard to do; This occasion'd, that
notwithstanding the infinite Number of People which dy'd, and were
sick almost all together,yet, they were always clear'd away, and
carry'd off every Night; so that it was never to be said of London,
that the living were not able to bury the Dead.
As the Desolation was greater, during those terrible Times, so the
Amazement of the People encreas 'd; and a thousand unaccountable Things
they would do in the violence of their
Fright, as others did the same in the Agonies of their Distemper, and
this part was very affecting; some went roaring, and crying, and
wringing their Hands along the Street; some would go praying, and
lifting up their Hands to Heaven, calling upon God for Mercy. I cannot
say indeed, whether this was not in their Distraction; but be it so,
it
was still an indication of a more serious Mind, when they had the Use
of their Senses, and was much better, even as it was, than the
frightful yellings and cryings that every Day, and especially in
the Evenings, were heard in some Streets. I suppose the World has heard
of the famous Solomon Eagle an Enthusiast: He tho' not infected
at all,
but in his Head; went about denouncing of Judgment upon the City in a
frightful manner; sometimes quite naked, and with a Pan of burning
Charcoal on his Head; What he said or pretended, indeed I could not
learn.
I will not say whether that Clergyman was distracted or not: or whether
he did it in pure Zeal for the poor People who went every Evening thro'
the Streets of White-Chapel; and with his Hands lifted up,
repeated
that Part of the Liturgy of the Church continually, Spare us good
Lord,
spare thy People whom tbou bail redeemed with thy mosl precious Blood,
I say, I cannot speak positively of these Things; because these
were only the dismal Objects which represented themselves to me as
I look'd thro' my Chamber Windows (for I seldom opened the
Casements) while I confin'd my self within Doors, during that most
violent rageing of the Pestilence; when indeed, as I have said, many
began to think, and even to say, that there would none escape; and
indeed, I began to think so too; and therefore kept within Doors, for
about fortnight, and never stirr'd out: But I cou'd not hold it;
Besides,
there were some People, who notwithstanding the Danger, did not omit
publickly to attend the Worship of God, even in the most dangerous
Times; and tho' it is true, that a great many Clergymen did shut up
their Churches, and fled as other People did, for the safety of their
Lives; yet, all did not do so, some ventur'd to officiate, and to keep
up the Assemblies of the People by constant Prayers; and sometimes
Sermons, or brief Exhortations to Repentance and Reformation, and this
as long as any would come to hear them; and Dissenters did the like
also, and even in the very Churches, where the Parish Ministers were
either Dead or fled, nor was there any Room for making Difference, at
such a Time as this was.
It was indeed a lamentableThing to hear the miserable Lamentations of
poor dying Creatures, calling out for Ministers to Comfort them and
pray with them, to Counsel them, and to direct them, calling out to God
for Pardon and Mercy, and confessing aloud their past Sins. It would
make the stoutest Heart bleed to hear how many Warnings were then given
by dying Penitents, to others not to put off and delay their Repentance
to the Day of Distress, that such a Time of Calamity as this, was no
Time for Repentance; was no Time to call upon God. I wish I could
repeat the very Sound of those Groans, and of those Exclamations that I
heard from some poor dying Creatures, when in the Hight of their
Agonies and Distress; and that I could make him that read this hear, as
I imagine I now hear them, for the Sound seems still to Ring in my Ears.
If I could but tell this Part, in such moving Accents as should alarm
the very Soul of the Reader, I should rejoice that I recorded those
Things, however short and imperfect.
It pleased God that I was still spar'd, and very hearty and sound in
Health, but very impatient of being pent up within Doors without Air,
as I had been for 14 Days, or thereabouts; and I could not restrain
my self, but I would go to carry a Letter for my Brother to the
Post-house; then it was indeed, that I observ'd a profound Silence in
the Streets; when I came to the Post-house, as I went to put in my
Letter, I saw a Man stand in one Corner of the Yard, and talking to
another at a Window; and a third had open'd a Door belonging to the
Office; In the middle of the Yard lay a small Leather Purse, with two
Keys hanging at it, and Money in it, but no Body would meddle with it:
I ask'd how long it had lain there; the Man at the Window said, it had
lain almost an Hour; but that they had not meddled with it, because
they did not know, but the Person who dropt it, might come back to look
for it. I had no such Need of Money, nor was the Sum so big, that I had
any Inclination to meddle with it, or to get the Money at the hazard it
might be attended with; so I seem'd to go away, when the Man who had
open'd the Door, said, he would take it up; but so, that if the right
Owner came for it, he should be sure to have it; So he went in and
fetch'd a pail of Water, and set it down hard by the Purse; then went
again, and fetch'd some Gun-powder, and cast a good deal of Powder upon
the Purse, and then made a Train from that which he had thrown loose
upon the Purse; the train reached about two Yards; after this, he goes
in a third Time, and fetches out a Pair of Tongs red hot, and which he
had prepar'd, I suppose on purpose; and first setting Fire to the Train
of Powder, that sing'd the Purse, and also smoak'd the Air
sufficiently: But he was not content
with that; but he then takes up the Purse with the Tongs, holding it so
long till the Tongs burnt thro' the Purse, and then he shook the Money
out into the Pail of Water, so he carried it in. The Money, as I
remember, was about thirteen Shillings, and some smooth Groats, and
Brass
Farthings.
There might perhaps, have been several poor People, as I have
observ'd
above, that would have been hardy enough to have ventured for the
sake
of the Money; but you may easily see by what I have observ'd, that the
few People, who were spar'd, were very careful of themselves, at that
Time when the Distress was so exceeding great.
Much about the same Time I walk'd out into the Fields towards Bow;
for
I had a great mind to see how things were managed in the River, and
among the Ships; and as I had some Concern in Shipping, I had a Notion
that it had been one of the best Ways of securing one's self from the
Infection to have retir'd into a Ship, and musing how to satisfy my
Curiosity, in that Point, I turned away over the Fields, from Bow to
Bromley, and down to Blackwall, to the Stairs, which are
there for
landing, or taking Water.
Here I saw a poor Man walking on the Bank, or Seawall, as they
call it, by himself, I walked a while also about, seeing the Houses all
shut up; at last I fell into some Talk, at a Distance, with this poor
Man; first I asked him, how People did thereabouts? Alas, Sir! says
he,
almost desolate; all dead or sick: Here are very few Families in
this Part, or in that Village, pointing at Poplar; where half
of them
are not dead already, and the rest sick. Then he pointed to one
House, There they are all dead, said he, and the House
stands
open; no Body
dares go into it.
A poor Thief, says he, ventured in to Steal something, but
he paid dear
for his Theft; for he was carried to the Church Yard too, last Night.
Then he pointed to several other Houses, There, says he, they
are all
dead; the Man and his Wife, and five Children. There, says he, they are
shut up, you see a Watchman at the Door; and so of other Houses. Why,
says I, What do you here all alone? Why, says he, I
am a poor desolate
Man; it has pleased God I am not yet visited, tho' my Family is, and
one of my Children dead. How do you mean then, said I, that
you are not
visited? Why, says he, that's my House, pointing to
a very little low
boarded House, and there my poor Wife and two Children live,
said he, if they may be said to live; for my Wife and one of the
Children are
visited, but I do not come at them. And with that Word I saw the
Tears
run very plentifully down his Face; and so they did down mine too, I
assure you.
But, said I, Why do you not come at them? How can you
abandon your own
Flesh and Blood? Oh, Sir; says he, the Lord forbid; I do not
abandon
them; I work for them as much as I am able; and blessed be the Lord, I
keep them from Want; and with that I observ'd, he lifted up his
Eyes to
Heaven, with a Countenance that presently told me, I had happened on a
Man that was no Hypocrite, but a serious, religious good Man, and his
Ejaculation was an Expression of Thankfulness, that in such a
Condition
as he was in, he should be able to say his Family did not want. Well,
says I, honest Man, that is a great Mercy as things go now with the
Poor: But how do you live then, and how are you kept from the dreadful
Calamity that is now upon us all? Why, Sir, says he, I am a
Waterman,
and there's my Boat, says he, and the Boat serves me for a
House; I
work in it in the Day, and I sleep in it in the Night; and what I get,
I lay down upon that Stone, says he, shewing me a broad Stone on
the other Side of the Street, a good way from his House, and
then, says he, I halloo, and call to them till 1 make them hear;
and
they come and fetch it.
Well Friend, says I, but how can you get any Money as
a Waterman? does
any Body go by Water these Times? Yes Sir, says he, in the way
I am
employ'd there does. Do you see there, says he, five ships lie
at Anchor,
pointing down the River, a good way below the Town; and do you see,
says he, eight or ten Ships lie at the Chain, there, and at Anchor
yonder, pointing above the Town. All those Ships have
Families on board, of their Merchants and Owners, and such like,
who have lockd themselves up, and live on board, close shut in,
for
fear of the Infection; and I tend on them to fetch Things for them,
carry
Letters, and do what is absolutely necessary, that they may not be
obliged to come on Shore; and every Night I fasten my Boat onboard one
of the Ship's Boats, and there I sleep by my self, and blessed be God,
I am preservd hitherto. Well, said I, Friend, but will they let
you
come on board, after you have been on Shore here, when this is such a
terrible Place, and so infected as it is?
Why, as to that, said he, I very seldom go up the Ship Side,
but
deliver what I bring to their Boat, or lie by the Side, and they hoist
it on board; if I did, I think they are in no Danger from me, for
I never go into any House on Shore, or touch any Body, no, not of my
own Family; But I fetch Provisions for them.
Nay, says I, but that may be worse, for you must have
those Provisions
of some Body or other; and since all this Part of the Town is so
infected, it is dangerous so much as to speak with any Body; for the
Village, said I, is as it were, the Beginning of London, tho'
it be at
some Distance from it.
That is true, added he, but you do not understand me Right; I
do not
buy Provisions for them here; I row up to Greenwich to buy
fresh Meat there, and sometimes I row down
the River to Woolwich and buy there; then I go to single Farm
Houses on
the Kentish Side, where I am known, and buy Fowls and Eggs, and
Butter, and bring to the Ships, as they direct me, sometimes one,
sometimes the other: I seldom come on Shore here; and I came now only
to call to my Wife, and hear how my little Family do, and give them a
little Money, which I received last night.
Poor Man! said I, and how much hast thou gotten for
them?
I have gotten four Shillings, said he, which is a great Sum, as
things
go now with poor Men; but they have given me a Bag of Bread too, and a
Salt Fish and some Flesh; so all helps out.
Well
, said I, and have you given it them yet?
No, said he, but I have called, and my Wife has answered, that
she
cannot come out yet, but in Half an Hour she hopes to come, and I am
waiting for her: Poor Woman! says he, she is brought sadly
down; she
has a Swelling, and it is broke, and I hope she will recover; but I
fear the Child will die; but it is the Lord!———Here he stopt, and
wept
very much.
Well, honest Friend, said I, thou hast a sure
Comforter, if thou hast
brought thy self to be resign'd to the Will of God, he is dealing with
as all in Judgment.
Oh, Sir, says he, it is infinite Mercy, if any of us are
spar'd; and
who am I to repine!
Say'st thou so, said I, and how much less is my Faith than
thine? And
here my Heart smote me, suggesting how much better this Poor Man's
Foundation was, on which he staid in the Danger, than mine; that he had
no where to fly; that he had a Family to bind him to Attendance, which
I had not; and mine was meer Presumption, his a true Dependence, and a
Courage resting on God; and yet, that he used all possible Caution for
his Safety.
I turn'd a little Way from the Man, while these Thoughts engaged me,
for, indeed, I could no more refrain from Tears than he.
At length, after some farther Talk, the poor Woman open'd the Door, and
call'd, Robert, Robert; he answered, and bid her stay a few
Moments,
and he would come; so he ran down the common Stairs to his Boat and
fetch'd up a Sack in which was the Provisions he had brought from the
Ships; and when he return'd he hallooed again; then he went to the
great Stone which he shewed me, and emptied the Sack, and laid all out,
every Thing by themselves, and then retired; and his Wife came
with a little Boy to fetch them away, and he call'd, and said, such a
Captain had sent such a Thing, and such a Captain such a Thing, and at
the End adds, God has sent it all, give thanks to him. When the
poor
Woman had taken up all, she was so weak, she could not carry it at once
in, tho' the Weight was not much neither; so she left the
Biscuit which
was in a little Bag, and left a little Boy to watch it till she came
again.
Well, but, says I to him, did you leave her the four
Shillings
too, which you said was your Week's Pay?
YES, YES, says he, you shall hear her own it. So he calls again, Rachel,
Rachel, which it seems was her Name, did you take up the Money?
YES,
said she. How much was it, said he? Four Shillings and a
Groat, said
she. Well, well, says he, the Lord keep you all; and so he
turned to go
away. As I could not refrain contributing Tears to this Man's Story, so
neither could I refrain my Charity for his Assistance; so I call'd
him, Hark thee, Friend, said I, come hither; for I believe
thou art in
Health, that I may venture thee; so I pull'd out my Hand, which was
in
my Pocket before, here, says I, go and call thy Rachel
once more, and
give her a little more Comfort from me. God will never forsake a Family
that trust in him as thou dost; so I gave him four other
Shillings, and bad him go lay them on the Stone and call his Wife.
I have not Words to express the poor Man's thankfulness, neither
could he express it himself; but by Tears running down his Face; he
call'd his Wife, and told her God had mov'd the Heart of a Stranger
upon hearing their Condition, to give them all that Money; and a great
deal more such as that, he said to her. The Woman too, made Signs of
the like Thankfulness, as well to Heaven, as to me, and joyfully pick'd
it up; and I parted with no Money all that Year, that I thought better
bestow'd.
I then ask'd the poor Man if the Distemper had not reach'd to Greenwich;
he said it had not, till about a Fortnight
before; but
that then he feared it had; but that it was only at that End of the
Town, which lay South towards Deptford-Bridge; that he
went only to a Butchers-Shop and a Grocers, where he generally bought
such Things as they sent him for; but was very careful.
I ask'd him then, how it came to pass, that those People who had
so shut themselves up in the Ships had not laid in sufficient Stores of
all Things necessary? he said some of them had, but on the other Hand,
some did not come on board till they were frighted into it, and till it
was too dangerous for them to go to the proper People, to lay in
Quantities of Things, and that he waited on two Ships which he shewed
me, that had lay'd in little or nothing but Biscuit Bread, and Ship
Beer; and that he had bought every Thing else almost for them. I ask'd
him, if there was any more Ships that had separated themselves, as
those had done? He told me yes, all the way up from the Point, right
against Greenwich, to within the Shore of Lime-house and
Redriff,
all the Ships that could have Room, rid two and two in the middle of
the Stream; and that
some of them had several Families on Board. I ask'd him, if the
Distemper had not reached them? He said he believ'd it had not, except
two or three Ships, whose People had not been so watchful, to keep the
Seamen from going on Shore as others had been; and he said it was a
very fine Sight to see how the Ships lay up the Pool.
When he said he was going over to Greenwich, as soon as the
Tide began
to come in, I ask'd if he would let me go with him, and bring me back,
for that, I had a great mind to see how the Ships were ranged as he had
told me? He told me if I would assure him on the Word of a Christian,
and of an honest Man, that I had not the Distemper, he would: I
assur'd him,That I had not, that it had pleased God to preserve me,
that I liv'd in White Chapel, but was too Impatient of being so
long
within Doors, and that I had ventured out so far for the
Refreshment of a little Air; but that none in my House had so much
as been touch't with it.
Well, Sir, says he, as your Charity has been mov'd to pity me and my
poor Family; sure you cannot have so little pity left, as to put your
self into my Boat if you were not Sound in Health,which would be
nothing less than killing me, and ruining my whole Family. The poor Man
troubled me so much, when he spoke of his Family with such a sensible
Concern, and in such an affectionate Manner, that I cou'd not satisfy
my self at first to go at all. I told him, I would lay aside my
Curiosity, rather than make him uneasy; tho' I was sure, and very
thankful for it, that I had no more Distemper upon me, than the
freshest Man in the World: Well, he would not have me put it
off
neither, but to let me see how confident he was, that I was just to
him, he now importuned me to go; so when the Tide came up to
his Boat, I went in, and he carry'd me to Greenwich: While he
bought
the Things which he had in his Charge to buy, I walk'd up to the Top of
the Hill, under which the Town stands, and on the East-Side of the
Town, to get a Prospect of the River: But it was a surprising Sight to
see the Number of Ships which lay in rows, two and two, and some
Places, two or three such Lines in the Breadth of the River, and this
not only up quite to the Town, between the Houses which we call Ratclif
and Redriff, which they name the Pool, but
even down the whole River,
as far as the Head of Long-Reach, which is as far as the Hills
gives us
Leave to see it.
I cannot guess at the Number of Ships, but I think there must be
several Hundreds of Sail; and I could not but applaud the Contrivance,
for ten thousand People, and more, who attended Ship Affairs, were
certainly sheltered here from the Violence of the Contagion, and liv'd
very safe and very easy.
I returned to my own Dwelling very well satisfied with my Days Journey,
and particularly with the poor Man; also I rejoyced to see that such
little Sanctuaries were provided for so many Families, in a Time of
such Desolation. I observ'd also, that as the Violence of the Plague
had encreased, so the Ships which had Families on Board, remov'd and
went farther off, till, as I was told, some went quite away to Sea,
and put into such Harbours, and safe Roads on the North Coast,
as they
could best come at.
But it was also true, that all the People, who thus left the Land, and
liv'd on Board the Ships, were not entirely safe from the Infection,
for many died, and were thrown over-board into the River, some in
Coffins, and some, as I
heard, without Coffins, whose Bodies were seen sometimes to drive up
and down, with the Tide in the River.
But I believe, I may venture to say, that in those Ships which were
thus infected, it either happened where the People had recourse to them
too late, and did not fly to the Ship till they had stayed too long on
Shore, and had the Distemper upon them, tho' perhaps, they might not
perceive it, and so the Distemper did not come to them, on Board the
Ships, but they really carried it with them; OR it was in these Ships,
where the poor Waterman said they had not had Time to furnish
themselves with Provisions, but were obliged to send often on
Shore to buy what they had Occasion for, or suffered Boats to come to
them from the Shore: and so the Distemper was brought insensibly among
them.
And here I cannot but take notice that the strange Temper of the People
of London at that Time contributed extremely to their own
Destruction.
The Plague began, as I have observed, at the other End of the Town,
namely, in Long-Acre, Drury Lane, &c. and came on towards
the City
very gradually and slowly. It was felt at first in December,
then again
in February, then again in April, and always but a very
little at a
Time; then it stopt till May, and even the last Week in May, there was
but 17, and all at that End of the Town; and all this while, even so
long, as till there died above 3000 a-Week; yet had the People in Redriff,
, and in Wapping, and Ratclif on both Sides the River,
and
almost all Southwark-Side, a mighty Fancy, that they should not
be visited, or at least, that it would not be so violent among them.
Some People fancied, the smell of the Pitch and Tar, and such
other Things, as Oil and Rosin, and Brimstone, which is so much used by
all
Trades relating to Shipping, would preserve them. Others argued it,
because it was in its extreamest Violence in Westminster, and
the
Parishes of St. Giles', and St. Andrew's, &c.
and began to abate
again, before it came among them, which was true indeed, in Part: For
Example.
|
|
|
|
|
Total this
|
From the
8th to the 15th of August.
|
|
Week.
|
St. Giles' in
|
242
|
Stepney
|
-----------
|
197
|
|
the Fields
|
|
St. Mag.
|
Bermondsey
|
24
|
4030
|
Cripplegate
|
886
|
Rotherhith
|
----------- |
3
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Total this
|
From the 15 to
the 22nd of August.
|
|
Week.
|
St. Giles' in |
175
|
Stepney |
----------- |
273
|
|
the Fields |
|
St. Mag. |
Bermondsey |
36
|
5319
|
Cripplegate |
847
|
Rotherhith |
----------- |
2
|
|
N. B. That it was observ'd the Numbers mention'd in Stepney
Parish, at
that time, were generally all on that Side where Stepney Parish
joined
to Shoreditch, which we now call Spittle-fields, where
the Parish of Stepney, comes up to the very Wall of Shoreditch
Church-Yard, and the
Plague at this Time was abated at St. Giles's in the Fields,
and raged
most violently in Cripplegate, Bishopsgate and Shoreditch Parishes,
but
there was not 10 People a-Week that died of it in all that Part of Stepney
Parish, which takes in Lime-House, Ratcliff-high-way,
and
which are now the Parishes of Shadwell and Wapping,
even to St. Katherines by the Tower, till after the whole Month
of
August was
expired; but they paid for it afterwards, as I shall observe by and by.
This, I say, made the People of Redriff and Wapping, Ratcliff
and Lime-House so secure, and flatter themselves so
much with
the Plague's going off, without reaching them, that they took no Care,
either to fly into the Country, or shut themselves up; nay, so far
were they from stirring, that they rather receiv'd their Friends and
Relations from the City into their Houses; and several from other
Places really took Sanctuary in that Part of the Town, as a Place of
Safety, and as a Place which they thought God would pass over and not
visit as the rest was visited.
And this was the Reason, that when it came upon them they were more
surprized, more unprovided and more at a Loss what to do than they were
in other Places, for when it came among them really, and with Violence,
as it did indeed in September and October, there was
then no
stirring out into the Country, no Body would suffer a
Stranger to come near them, no nor near the Towns where they
dwelt; and as I have been told, several that wandred into the Country
on Surry Side were found starv'd to Death in the Woods and
Commons,
that Country being more open and more woody, than any other Part so
near London; especially about Norwood, and the Parishes
of Camberwell, Dullege, and Lusum, where it
seems no Body durst
relieve the poor
distress'd People for fear of the Infection.
This Notion having, as I said, prevailed with the People in that
Part of the Town, was in Part the Occasion, as I said before,
that they
had Recourse to Ships for their Retreat; and where they did this early,
and with Prudence, furnishing themselves so with Provisions, that
they had no need to go on Shore for Supplies, or suffer Boats to come
on Board to bring them; I say where they did so they had certainly the
safest Retreat of any People whatsoever: But the Distress was such,
that People ran on Board in
their Fright without Bread to eat, and some into Ships, that had no Men
on Board to remove them farther off, or to take the Boat and go down
the River to buy Provisions where it might be done safely; and these
often suffered, and were infected on board as much as on Shore.
As the richer Sort got into Ships, so the lower Rank got into Hoys,
Smacks, Lighters and Fishing-boats; and many, especially Watermen, lay
in their Boats; but those made sad Work of it, especially the latter,
for going about for Provision, and perhaps to get their
Subsistence, the Infection got in among them and made a
fearful Havock; many of the Watermen died alone in their Wherries,
as they rid at their Roads, as well above-Bridge as below, and were not
found sometimes till they were not in Condition for any Body to touch
or come near them.
Indeed the Distress of the People at this Sea-faring End of the Town
was very deplorable, and deserved the greatest Commiseration: But,
alas! this was a Time when every one's private Safety lay so near them,
that they had no Room to pity the Distresses of others; for every one
had Death, as it were, at his Door, and many even in their Families,
and knew not what to do, or whither to fly.
This, I say, took away all Compassion; self Preservation indeed
appear'd here to be the first Law. For the Children ran away from their
Parents, as they languished in the utmost Distress: And in some Places,
tho' not so frequent as the other, Parents did the like to the
Children;
nay, some dreadful Examples there were, and particularly two in
one Week, of distressed Mothers, raveing and distracted, killing their
own Children; one whereof was not far off
from where I dwelt; the poor lunatick Creature not living herself long
enough to be sensible of the Sin of what she had done, much less to be
punish'd for it.
It is not indeed to be wondred at, for the Danger of immediate Death to
ourselves, took away all Bowels of Love, all Concern for one another: I
speak in general, for there were many Instances of immovable Affection,
Pity, and Duty in many, and some that came to my Knowledge; that
is to say, by hear-say: For I shall not take upon me to vouch the Truth
of the Particulars.
To introduce one, let me first mention, that one of the most deplorable
Cases, in all the present Calamity, was, that of Women with Child; who
when they came to the Hour of their Sorrows, and their Pains came upon
them, cou'd neither have help of one Kind or another; neither Midwife
or Neighbouring Women to come near them; most of the Midwives were
dead; especially, of such as serv'd the Poor; and many, if not all the
Midwives of Note were fled into the Country: So that it was next to
impossible for a poor Woman that cou'd not pay an immoderate Price
to get any Midwife to come to her, and if they did, those they cou'd
get were generally unskilful and ignorant Creatures; and the
Consequence of this was, that a most unusual and incredible Number of
Women were reduc'd to the utmost distress. Some were deliver'd and
spoil'd by the rashness and ignorance of those who pretended to lay
them. Children without Number, were, I might say, murthered by the
same, but a more justifiable ignorance, pretending they would save the
Mother, whatever became of the Child; and many Times, both Mother and
Child were lost in the same Manner; and especially, where the Mother
had the Distemper, there
no Body would come near them, and both sometimes perish'd: Sometimes
the Mother has died of the Plague; and the Infant, it may be half born,
or born but not parted from the Mother. Some died in the very Pains of
their Travel, and not deliver'd at all; and so many were the Cases of
this Kind, that it is hard to Judge of them.
Something of it will appear in the unusual Numbers which are put into
the Weekly Bills (tho' I am far from allowing them to be able to give
any Thing of a full Account under the Articles of
Child-Bed.
Abortive and Stilborn.
Chrisoms and Infants.
Take the Weeks in which the Plague was most: violent, and compare
them with the Weeks before the Distemper began, even in the same
Year; For Example:
|
|
|
Child
|
bed.
|
|
Abort.
|
Stil
|
-born
|
|
|
|
Jan. 3 to Jan.
10
|
---
|
7
|
---
|
1
|
---
|
13
|
|
|
|
to 17
|
--- |
8
|
--- |
6
|
--- |
11
|
|
|
|
to 24
|
--- |
9
|
--- |
5
|
--- |
15
|
|
|
|
to 31
|
--- |
3
|
--- |
2
|
--- |
9
|
From
|
|
|
Jan. 31 to Feb.
7
|
--- |
3
|
--- |
3
|
--- |
8
|
|
|
|
to 14
|
--- |
6
|
--- |
2
|
--- |
11
|
|
|
|
to 21
|
--- |
5
|
--- |
2
|
--- |
13
|
|
|
|
to 28
|
--- |
2
|
--- |
2
|
--- |
10
|
|
|
|
Feb.7 to March 7
|
--- |
5
|
--- |
1
|
--- |
10
|
|
|
________________________________________________________________________
|
|
|
|
|
48
|
|
24
|
|
100
|
|
|
|
Child
|
bed.
|
|
Abort.
|
Stil
|
-born
|
|
|
|
Aug. 3 to Aug.
8
|
---
|
25
|
---
|
5
|
---
|
11
|
|
|
|
to 15
|
--- |
23
|
--- |
6
|
--- |
8
|
|
|
|
to 22
|
--- |
28
|
--- |
4
|
--- |
4
|
|
|
|
to 29
|
--- |
40
|
--- |
6
|
--- |
10
|
From
|
|
|
Aug. 29 to Sept.
5
|
--- |
38
|
--- |
2
|
--- |
11
|
|
|
|
to 12
|
--- |
39
|
--- |
23
|
--- |
00
|
|
|
|
to 19
|
--- |
42
|
--- |
5
|
--- |
17
|
|
|
|
to 26
|
--- |
42
|
--- |
6
|
--- |
10
|
|
|
|
Sep.26 to Octob. 3
|
--- |
14
|
--- |
4
|
--- |
9
|
|
|
________________________________________________________________________
|
|
|
|
|
291
|
|
61
|
|
80
|
To the Disparity of these Numbers, is to be consider'd and allow'd for,
that according to our usual Opinion, who were then upon the Spot, there
were not one third of the People in the Town, during the Months of August
and September, as were in the Months of January and
February: In a Word, the usual Number that used
to die of these
three Articles; and as I hear, did die of them the Year before, was
thus:
|
Child-bed --
|
189
|
|
Child-bed -- |
625
|
|
Abortive and
|
|
|
Abortive &
|
|
1664
|
Stil-born.
|
458
|
1665
|
Stil-born |
617
|
|
|
______
|
|
|
______
|
|
|
647
|
|
|
1242
|
This inequallity, I say, is exceedingly augmented, when the Numbers of
People are considered: I pretend not to make any exact Calculation of
the Numbers of People, which were at this Time in the City; but I shall
make a probable Conjecture at that part by and by: What I have said
now, is to explain the misery of those poor Creatures above; so that it
might well be said as in the Scripture, Wo!
be to those who are with Child; and to those which give suck in that
Day. For indeed, it was a Wo to them in particular.
I was not conversant in many particular Families where these things
happen'd; but the Out-cries of the miserable, were heard afar off. As
to those who were with Child, we have seen some Calculation made, 291
Women dead in Child-bed in nine Weeks; out of one third Part of the
Number, of whom there usually dy'd in that Time, but 48 of the same
Disaster. Let the Reader calculate the Proportion.
There is no Room to doubt, but the Misery of those that gave Suck, was
in Proportion as great. Our Bills of Mortality cou'd give but little
Light in this; yet, some it did, there were several more than usual
starv'd at Nurse; but this was nothing: The Misery was, where they
were (1st) starved for want of a Nurse, the Mother dying, and
all the
Family and the Infants found dead by them, meerly for want; and if I
may speak my Opinion, I do believe, that many hundreds of Poor helpless
Infants perish'd in this manner, (2dly) Not starv'd (but
poison'd) by
the Nurse, Nay even where the Mother has been Nurse,and having receiv'd
the Infection, has poison'd, that is, infected the Infant with her
Milk, even before they knew they were infected themselves; nay, and the
Infant has dy'd in such a Case before the Mother. I cannot but
remember to leave this Admonition upon Record, if ever such
another dreadful Visitation should happen in this City; that all Women
that are with Child or that give Suck should be gone, if they have any
possible Means, out of the Place; because their Misery, if
infected, will so much exceed all other Peoples.
I could tell here dismal Stories of living Infants being found sucking
the Breasts of their Mothers, or Nurses, after they have been dead of
the Plague. Of a Mother, in the Parish where I liv'd, who having a
Child that was not well, sent for an Apothecary to View the Child; and
when he came, as the Relation goes, was givingthe Child suck at her
Breast, and to all Appearance, was her self very well: But when the
Apothecary came close to her, he saw the Tokens upon that Breast, with
which she was suckling the Child. He was surpriz'd enough to be sure;
but not willing to fright the poor Woman too much, he desired she would
give the Child into his Hand; so he takes the Child, and going to a
Cradle in the Room lays it in, and opening its Cloths, found the Tokens
upon the Child too, and both dy'd before he cou'd get Home, to send a
preventative Medicine to the Father of the Child, to whom he had told
their Condition; whether the Child infected the Nurse-Mother, or the
Mother the Child was not certain, but the last most likely.
Likewise of a Child brought home to the Parents from a Nurse that had
dy'd of the Plague; yet, the tender Mother would not refuse to take in
her Child, and lay'd it in her Bosom, by which she was infected, and
dy'd with the Child in her Arms dead also.
It would make the hardest Heart move at the Instances that were
frequently found of tender Mothers, tending and watching with their
dear Children, and even dying before them, and sometimes taking the
Distemper from them, and dying when the Child, for whom the
affectionate Heart had been sacrificed, has got over it and escap'd.
The like of a Tradesman in East-Smith-field, whose Wife was big
with
Child of her first Child, and fell in Labour, having the Plague upon
her: He cou'd neither get Midwife to
assist her, or Nurse to tend her; and two Servants which he kept fled
both from her. He ran from House to House like one distracted, but
cou'd get no help; the utmost he could get was, that a Watchman who
attended at an infected House shut up, promis'd to send a Nurse in the
Morning: The poor Man with his Heart broke, went back, assisted his
Wife what he cou'd, acted the part of the Midwife; brought the Child
dead into the World; and his Wife in about an Hour dy'd in his Arms,
where he held her dead Body fast till the Morning, when the Watchman
came and brought the Nurse as he had promised; and coming up the
Stairs, for he had left the Door open, or only latched: They found the
Man sitting with his dead Wife in his Arms; and so overwhelmed with
Grief, that he dy'd in a few Hours after, without any Sign of the
Infection upon him, but meerly sunk under the Weight of his Grief.
I have heard also of some, who on the Death of their Relations, have
grown stupid with the insupportable Sorrow, and of one in particular,
who was so absolutely overcome with the Pressure upon his Spirits, that
by Degrees, his Head sunk into his Body, so between his Shoulders,
that the Crown of his Head was very little seen above the Bones of his
Shoulders; and by Degrees, loseing both Voice and Sense, his Face
looking forward, lay against his Collar-Bone, and cou'd not be kept up
any otherwise, unless held up by the Hands of other People; and the
poor Man never came to himself again, but languished near a Year in
that Condition and died: Nor was he ever once seen to lift up his Eyes,
or to look upon any particular Object.
I cannot undertake to give any other than a Summary of such Passages as
these, because it was not possible to come at the
Particulars, where sometimes the whole Families, where such Things
happen'd, were carry'd off by the Distemper: But there were innumerable
Cases of this Kind, which presented to the Eye, and the Ear; even in
passing along the Streets, as I have hinted above, nor is it easy to
give any Story of this, or that Family, which there was not divers
parallel Stories to be met with of the same Kind.
But as I am now talking of the Time, when the Plague rag'd at the
Easter-most Part of the Town; how for a long Time the People of those
Parts had flattered themselves that they should escape; and how
they were surprized, when it came upon them as it did; for indeed,
it came upon them like an armed Man, when it did come. I say, this
brings me back to the three poor Men, who wandered from Wapping,
not
knowing whether to go, or what to do, and who I mention'd before; one a
Biscuit-Baker, one a Sail-Maker, and the other a Joiner; all of Wapping,
or thereabouts.
The Sleepiness and Security of that Part as I have observ'd, was such;
that they not only did not shift for themselves as others did; but they
boasted of being safe, and of Safety being with them; and many People
fled out of the City, and out of the infected Suburbs, to Wapping,
Ratcliff, Lime-house, Poplar, and such Places, as to Places of
Security; and it is not at all unlikely, that their doing this, help'd
to bring the Plague that way faster, than it might otherwise have come.
For tho' I am much for Peoples flying away and emptying such a Town as
this, upon the first Appearance of a like Visitation, and that all
People who have any possible Retreat, should make use of it in Time,
and begone; yet. I must say, when all that will fly are gone, those
that are left and must
stand it, should stand stock still where they are, and not shift from
one End of the Town, or one Part of the Town to the other; for that is
the Bane and Mischief of the whole, and they carry the Plague from
House to House in their very Clothes.
Wherefore, were we ordered to kill all the Dogs and Cats: But because
as they were domestick Animals, and are apt to run from House to House,
and from Street to Street; so they are capable of carrying the Effluvia
or Infectious Steams of Bodies infected, even in their Furrs and
Hair; and therefore it was that in the beginning of the Infection, an
Order was published by the Lord Mayor, and by the Magistrates,
according to the Advice of the Physicians; that all the Dogs and Cats
should be immediately killed, and an Officer was appointed for the
Execution.
It is incredible, if their Account is to be depended upon, what a
prodigious Number of those Creatures were destroy'd: I think they
talk'd of forty thousand Dogs, and five times as many Cats, few Houses
being without a Cat, and some having several, and sometimes five or six
in a House. All possible Endeavours were us'd also to destroy the Mice
and Rats, especially the latter; by laying Rats-Bane, and other Poisons
for them, and a prodigious multitude of them were also destroy'd.
I often reflected upon the unprovided Condition, that the whole Body of
the People were in at the first coming of this Calamity upon them, and
how it was for Want of timely entring into Measures,and Managements, as
well publick as private, that all the Confusions that followed were
brought upon us; and that such a prodigious Number of People sunk
in that Disaster, which if proper Steps had been taken, might,
Providence concurring, have been avoided,
and which, if Posterity think fit, they may take a Caution, and Warning
from: But I shall come to this Part again.
I come back to my three Men: Their Story has a Moral in every Part of
it, and their whole Conduct, and that of some who they join'd with,
is a Patern for all poor Men to follow, or Women either, if ever such a
Time
comes again; and if there was no other End in recording it, I think
this a very just one, whether my Account be exactly according to Fact
or no.
Two of them are said to be Brothers, the one an old Soldier, but now a
Biscuit Baker; the other a lame Sailor, but now a Sail-Maker; the Third
a Joiner. Says John the Biscuit Baker, one Day to Thomas his
Brother,
the Sail-maker, Brother Tom, what will become of us? The Plague
grows
hot in the City, and encreases this way: What shall we do?
Truly, says Thomas, I am at a great Loss what to do, for I
mind, if it
comes down into Wapping, I shall be turn'd out of my Lodging: And thus
they began to talk of it beforehand.
John, Turn'd out of your Lodging, Tom? if you are, I don't know who
will
take you in; for People are so afraid of one another now, there's no
getting a Lodging any where.
Tho. Why? The People where I lodge are good civil People, and
have
Kindness enough for me too; but they say I go abroad every Day to my
Work, and it will be dangerous; and they talk of locking themselves up,
and letting no Body come near them.
John, Why, they are in the right to be sure, if they
resolve to venture staying in Town.
Tho. Nay, I might e'en resolve to stay within Doors too,
for, except a
Suit of Sails that my Master has in Hand, and which I am just a
finishing, I am like to get no more Work a great
while; there's no Trade stirs now, Workmen and Servants are
turned off every where, so that I might be glad to be lock' d up too:
But I do not see they will be willing to consent to that, any more than
to the other.
John, Why, what will you do then Brother? and what shall I do? for
I am
a malmost as bad as you; the People where I lodge are all gone into the
Country but a Maid, and she is to go next Week, and to shut the House
quite up, so that I shall be turned a drift to the wide World before
you, and I am resolved to go away too, if I knew but where to go.
Tho. We were both distracted we did not go away at first, then we
might
ha' travelled any where; there's no stirring now; we shall be starv'd
if we pretend to go out of Town; they won't let us have Victuals, no,
not for our Money, nor let us come into the Towns, much less into
their Houses.
John. And that which is almost as bad, I have but little Money to
help
myself with neither.
Tho. As to that we might make shift; I have a little, tho' not
much;
but I tell you there's no Stirring on the Road. I know a Couple of poor
honest Men in our Street have attempted to travel, and at Barnet, or
Whetston, or thereabout, the People offered to fire at them if they
pretended to go forward; so they are come back again quite discourag'd.
John, I would have ventured their Fire, if I had been there; If I
had
been denied Food for my Money they should ha' seen me take it before
their Faces; and if I had tendred Money for it, they could not
have
taken any Course with me by Law.
Tho. You talk your old Soldier's Language, as if you were in the
Low-Countries now, but this is a serious thing. The People have
good
Reason to keep any Body off, that they are not satisfied are sound, at
such a Time as this; and we must not plunder them.
John, No Brother, you mistake the Case, and mistake me too, I would
plunder no Body; but for any Town upon the Road to deny me Leave to
pass thro' the Town in the open High-Way, and deny me Provisions for my
Money, is to say the Town has a Right to starve me to Death, which
cannot be true.
Tho. But they do not deny you Liberty to go back again from whence
you
came, and therefore they do not starve you.
John. But the next Town behind me will by the same Rule deny me
leave
to go back, and so they do starve me between them; besides there is no
Law to prohibit my travelling wherever I will on the Road.
Tho. But there will be so much Difficulty in disputing with them at
every Town on the Road, that it is not for poor Men to do it, or
undertake it at such a Time as this is especially.
John, Why Brother? Our Condition at this Rate is worse than any
Bodies
else; for we can neither go away nor stay here; I am of the same Mind
with the Lepers of Samaria, If we stay here we are sure to
die; I mean
especially, as you and I are stated, without a Dwelling-House of our
own, and without Lodging in any Bodies else; there is no lying in
the Street at such a Time as this; we had as good go into the Dead-Cart
at once: Therefore I say, if we stay here we are sure to die, and
if we go
away we can but die: I am resolvd to be gone.
Tho. You will go away: Whither will you go? and what can you do? I
would as willingly go away as you, if I knew whither: But we have no
Acquaintance, no Friends. Here we were born, and here we must die.
John, Look you, Tom, the whole Kingdom is my Native Country as well
as
this Town. You may as well say, I mutt not go out of my House if it is
on Fire, as that I must not go out of the Town I was born in, when it
is infected with the Plague. I was born in England, and have a Right
to live in it if I can.
Tho, But you know every vagrant Person may by the Laws of England,
be
taken up, and pass'd back to their last legal Settlement.
John, But how shall they make me vagrant; I desire only to travel
on,
upon my lawful Occasions.
Tho. What lawful Occasions can we pretend to travel, or rather
wander
upon, they will not be put off with Words.
John, Is not flying to save our Lives, a Lawful Occasion! and do
they
not all know that the Fact, is true: We cannot be said to dissemble.
Tho, But suppose they let us pass, Whither shall we go?
John, Any where to save our Lives: It is Time enough to
consider that
when we are got out of this Town. If I am once out of this dreadful
Place I care not where I go.
Tho. We shall be driven to great Extremities. I know not what to
think
of it.
John, Well Tom, consider of it a little.
This was about the Beginning of July, and tho' the Plague was
come
forward in the West and North Parts of the Town, yet all Wapping,
as I
have observed before, and Redriff, and Ratcliff, and Limehouse,
and Poplar, in short, Deptford and Greenwich,
all both Sides of the River
from the Hermitage, and from over against it, quite down to Blackwall,
was intirely free, there had not one Person died of the Plague in all Stepney
Parish, and not one on the South Side of White
Chappel Road,
no, not in any Parish; and yet the Weekly Bill was that very Week risen
up to 1006.
It was a Fortnight after this, before the two Brothers met again, and
then the Case was a little altered, and the Plague was exceedingly
advanced, and the Number greatly encreased, the Bill was up at 2785,
and prodigiously encreasing, tho' still both Sides of the River, as
below,
kept pretty well: But some began to die in Redriff, and about
five or
six in Ratcliff-High-Way, when the Sail Maker came to his
Brother John,
express, and in some Fright, for he was absolutely warn'd out of his
Lodging, and had only a Week to provide himself. His Brother John
was
in as bad a Case, for he was quite out, and had only beg'd Leave of his
Master the Biscuit Baker to lodge in an Out-House belonging to his
Work-house, where he only lay upon Straw, with some Biscuit Sacks, or
Bread-Sacks, as they call'd them, laid upon it, and some of the same
Sacks to cover him.
Here they resolved, seeing all Employment being at an End, and no Work
or Wages to be had, they would make the best of their Way to get out of
the Reach of the dreadful Infection; and being as good Husbands as they
could, would endeavour to live upon what they had as long as it would
last, and then work for more, if they could get Work any where, of any
Kind, let it be what it would.
While they were considering to put this Resolution in Practice, in the
best Manner they could, the third Man, who was acquainted very well
with the Sail Maker, came to know of the Design, and got Leave to be
one of the Number, and thus they prepared to set out.
It happened that they had not an equal share of Money, but as the
Sail-maker, who had the best Stock, was besides his being Lame, the
most unfit to expect to get any thing by Working in the Country, so he
was content that what Money they had should all go into one publick
Stock, on Condition, that whatever any one of them could gain more than
another, it should, without any grudging, be all added to the
publick Stock.
They resolv'd to load themselves with as little Baggage as
possible, because they resolv'd at first to travel on Foot; and to go a
great way, that they might, if possible, be effectually Safe; and
a great many Consultations they had with themselves, before they could
agree about what Way they should travel, which they were so far from
adjusting, that even to the Morning they set out, they were not
resolv'd on it.
At last the Seamen put in a Hint that determin'd it; First, says he,
the Weather is very hot, and therefore I am for travelling North, that
we may not have the Sun upon our Faces and beating on our Breasts,
which will heat and suffocate us; and I have been told, says he, that
it is not good to over-heat our Blood at a Time when, for ought we
know, the Infection may be in the very Air. In the next Place, says he,
I am for going the Way that may be contrary to the Wind as it may blow
when we set out, that we may not have the Wind blow the Air of the City
on our Backs as we go. These two Cautions were approv'd of; if it
could be brought so to hit, that the Wind might not be in the South
when they set out to go North.
John the Baker, who had been a Soldier, then put in his
Opinion; First,
says he, we none of us expect to get any Lodging on the Road, and it
will be a little too hard to lie just in the open Air; tho' it be warm
Weather, yet it may be wet, and damp, and we have a double Reason to
take care of our Healths at such a time as this; and therefore,
says he, you, Brother Tom, that are a Sail-maker, might easily
make us
a little Tent, and I will undertake to set it up every Night, and take
it down, and a Fig for all the Inns in England; if we have a
good Tent
over our Heads, we shall do well enough.
The Joyner oppos'd this, and told them, let them leave that to him, he
would undertake to build them a House every Night with
his Hatchet and Mallet, tho' he had no other Tools, which should be
fully to their satisfaction, and as good as a Tent.
The Soldier and the Joyner disputed that Point some Time, but at last
the Soldier carry'd it for a Tent; the only Objection against it was,
that it must be carry'd with them, and that would encrease their
Baggage too much, the Weather being hot; but the Sail-maker had a Piece
of good Hap fell in which made that easie, for, his Master who he
work'd
for having a Rope-Walk as well as his Sail-making Trade, had a little
poor Horse that he made no use of then, and being willing to assist the
three honest Men, he gave them the Horse for the carrying their
Baggage; also for a small Matter of three Days Work that his Man did
for him before he went,he let him have an old Top-gallant Sail that was
worn out, but was sufficient and more than enough to make a very good
Tent: The Soldier shew'd how to shape it, and they soon by his
Direction made their Tent, and fitted it with Poles or Staves for the
purpose, and thus they were furnish'd for their Journey; viz.
three
Men, one Tent, one Horse, one Gun, for the Soldier would not go without
Arms, for now he said he was no more a Biscuit-Baker, but a Trooper.
The Joyner had a small Bag of Tools, such as might be useful if he
should get any Work abroad, as well for their Subsistence as his own:
What Money they had, they brought all into one publick Stock, and thus
they began their Journey. It seems that in the Morning when they set
out, the Wind blew as the Saylor said by his Pocket Compass, at N. Wr.
by W. So they directed, or rather resolv'd to direct their Course N. W.
But then a Difficulty came in their Way, that as they set out from the
hither End of Wapping near the Hermitage, and
that the Plague was now very Violent, especially on the North side
of the City, as in Shoreditch and Cripplegate Parish,
they did not
think it safe for them to go near those Parts; so they went away East
through Radcliff High-way, as far as Radcliff-Cross,
and leaving Stepney Church still on their Left-hand, being
afraid to
come up from Radcliff-Cross to Mile-end, because they
must come
just by the Church-yard, and because the Wind that seemed to
blow more
from the
West, blow'd directly from the side of the City where the Plague was
hottest. So I say, leaving Stepney, they fetched a long
Compass, and
going to Poplar and Bromley, came into the great Road
just at Bow.
Here the Watch plac'd upon Bow Bridge would have question'd them; but
they crossing the Road into a narrow Way that turns out of the hither
End of the Town of Bow to Old-Ford, avoided any Enquiry
there, and
travelled to Old-Ford. The Constables every where were upon
their
Guard, not so much it seems to stop People passing by, as to stop them
from taking up their Abode in their Towns, and withal because of a
Report that was newly rais'd at that time, and that indeed was not very
improbable, viz. That the poor People in London being
distress'd
and
starv'd for want of Work, and by that means for want of Bread, were up
in Arms, and had raised a Tumult, and that they would come out to all
the Towns round to plunder for Bread. This, I say, was only a Rumour,
and it was very well it was no more; but it was not so far off from
being a Reality, as it has been thought, for in a few Weeks more the
poor People became so Desperate by the Calamity they suffer'd,
that they were with great difficulty kept from running out into the
Fields and Towns, and tearing all in pieces where-ever they came; and,
as I
have observed before, nothing hinder'd them but that the Plague rag'd
so violently, and fell in upon them so furiously, that they rather went
to the Grave by Thousands than into the Fields in Mobs by Thousands:
For in the Parts about the Parishes of St. Sepulchres, Clerkenwell,
Cripplegate, Bishopsgate and Shoreditch, which were the
Places where
the Mob began to threaten, the Distemper came on so furiously, that
there died in those few Parishes, even then, before the Plague was come
to its height, no less than 5361 People in the first three Weeks in August,
when at the same time, the Parts about Wapping,
Radcliffe,
and Rotherhith, were, as before describ'd, hardly touch'd, or
but very
lightly; so that in a Word, tho, as I said before, the good
Management of the Lord Mayor and Justices did much to prevent the
Rage and Desperation of the People from breaking out in Rabbles and
Tumults, and in short, from the Poor plundering the Rich; I say, tho'
they did much, the Dead Carts did more, for as I have said, that in
five Parishes only there died above 5000 in 20 Days, so there might be
probably three times that Number Sick all that time; for some
recovered, and great Numbers fell sick every Day and died afterwards.
Besides, I must still be allowed to say, that if the Bills of Mortality
said five Thousand, I always believ'd it was near twice as many in
reality; there being no room to believe that the Account they gave was
right, or that indeed, they were, among such Confusions as I saw them
in, in any Condition to keep an exact Account.
But to return to my Travellers; Here they were only examined, and as
they seemed rather coming from the Country than from the City, they
found the People the easier with them; that they talk'd to them, let
them come into a
publick House where the Constable and his Warders were, and gave
them Drink and some Victuals, which greatly refreshed and encourag'd
them;
and here it came into their Heads to say, when they should be enquir'd
of afterwards, not that they came from London, but that they
came out
of Essex.
To forward this little Fraud, they obtain'd so much Favour of the
Constable at Old-Ford, as to give them a Certificate of their
passing
from Essex thro' that Village, and that they had not been at
London;
which tho' false in the common acceptation of London in the
County, yet
was literally true; Wapping or Radcliff being no part
either of the
City or Liberty.
This Certificate directed to the next Constable that was at Hummerton,
one of the Hamlets of the Parish of Hackney, was so serviceable
to
them, that it procured them not a free Passage there only, but a full
Certificate of Health from a Justice of the Peace; who, upon the
Constable's Application, granted it without much Difficulty; and
thus they pass'd through the long divided Town of Hackney, (for
it lay
then in several separated Hamlets) and travelled on till they came into
the great North Road on the top of Stamford-Hill.
By this time they began to be weary, and so in the back Road from Hackney
a little before it opened into the said great
Road, they
resolv'd to set up their Tent and encamp for the first Night;
which they did accordingly, with this addition, that finding a Barn, or
a Building like a Barn, and first searching as well as they could to be
sure there was no Body in it, they set up their Tent, with the Head of
it against the Barn; this they did also because the Wind blew that
Night very high, and they were but young at such a way of Lodging, as
well as at the managing their
Tent.
Here they went to sleep, but the Joyner, a grave and sober Man, and not
pleased with their lying at this loose rate the first Night, could not
sleep, and resolv'd, after trying to Sleep to no purpose, that he would
get out, and taking the Gun in his Hand stand Centinel and Guard his
Companions: So with the Gun in his Hand he walk'd to and again before
the Barn, for that stood in the Field near the Road, but within the
Hedge. He had not been long upon the Scout, but he heard a Noise of
People coming on as if it had been a great Number, and they came on, as
he thought, directly towards the Barn. He did not presently awake his
Companions, but in a few Minutes more their Noise growing louder and
louder, the Biscuit-Baker call'd to him and ask'd him what was the
Matter, and quickly started out too: The other being the Lame
Sail-maker and most weary, lay still in the Tent.
As they expected, so the People who they had heard, came on directly to
the Barn, when one of our Travellers challenged, like Soldiers upon the
Guard, with Who comes there? The People did not Answer
immediately, but
one of them speaking to another that was behind him, Alas! Alas! we
are
all disappointed, says he, here are some People before us, the Barn is
taken up.
They all stopp'd upon that as under some Surprize, and it
seems there
was about Thirteen of them in all, and some Women among them: They
consulted together what they should do, and by their Discourse our
Travellers soon found they were poor distress'd People too like
themselves, seeking Shelter and Safety; and besides, our Travellers had
no need to be afraid of their coming up to disturb them; for as soon as
they heard the Words, Who comes
tbere? these could hear the Women say, as if frighted, Do not
go near
them, how do you know but they may have the Plague? And when one of
the
Men said, Let us but speak to them; the Women said, No,
don't by any
means, we have escap'd thus far by the Goodness of God, do not let us
run into Danger now, we beseech you.
Our Travellers found by this that they were a good sober Sort
of
People, and flying for their Lives as they were; and, as they were
encourag'd by it, so John said to the Joyner his Comrade, Let
us
Encourage them too as much as we can: So he called to them, Hark
ye
good People, says the Joyner, we find by your Talk, that you are flying
from the same dreadful Enemy as we are, do not be afraid of us, we are
only three poor Men of us, if you are free from the Distemper you shall
not be hurt by us; we are not in the Barn, but in a little Tent here in
the Outside, and we will remove for you, we can set up our Tent
again immediately any where else; and upon this a Parly began
between
the Joyner, whose Name was Richard, and one of their Men, who
said his
Name was Ford.
Ford. And do you assure us that you are all Sound Men.
Rich. Nay, we are concern'd to tell you of it, that you
may not be
uneasy, or think your selves in Danger; but you see we do not desire
you should put your selves into any Danger; and therefore I tell
you, that as we have not made use of the Barn, so we will remove from
it, that you may be Safe and we also.
Ford. That is very kind and charitable; But, if we have
Reason to be
satisfied that you are Sound and free from the Visitation, why should
we make you remove now you are settled in your Lodging, and it may be
are laid down to Rest? we will go into the Barn if you please, to rest
our selves a
while, and we need not disturb you.
Rich. Well, but you are more than we are, I hope you will
assure us
that you are all of you Sound too, for the Danger is as great from you
to us, as from us to you.
Ford. Blessed be God that some do escape tho' it is but
few; what may
be our Portion still we know not, but hitherto we are preserved.
Rich. What part of the Town do you come from? Was the
Plague come to
the Places where you liv'd?
Ford. Ay ay, in a most frightful and terrible manner, or
else we had
not fled away as we do; but we believe there will be very few left
alive behind us.
Rich. What Part do you come from?
Ford. We are most of us of Cripplegate Parish,
only two or three of Clerkenwell Parish, but on the hither side.
Rich. How then was it that you came away no sooner?
Ford. We have been away some time, and kept together as
well as we could
at the hither End of Islington, where we got leave to lie in an
old
uninhabited House, and had some Bedding and Conveniencies of our own
that we brought with us, but the Plague is come up into Islington
too, and a House next Door to our poor Dwelling was Infected and
shut up, and we are come away in a Fright.
Rich. And what Way are you going?
Ford. As our Lott shall cast us, we know not whither, but
God will
Guide those that look up to him.
They parlied no further at that time, but came all up to the Barn, and
with some Difficulty got into it: There was nothing but Hay in the
Barn, but it was almost full of that, and they accommodated themselves
as well as they cou'd, and went to Rest; but our Travellers observ'd,
that before they went to Sleep, an antient Man, who it seems
was Father of one of the Women, went to Prayer with all the Company,
recommending themselves to the Blessing and Direction of Providence,
before they went to Sleep.
It was soon Day at that time of the Year; and as Richard
the Joyner
had kept Guard the first part of the Night, so John the Soldier
Reliev'd
him, and he had the Post in the Morning, and they began to be
acquainted with one another. It seems, when they left Islington,
they
intended to have gone North away to Highgate, but were stop'd at Holloway,
and there they would not let them pass; so they
cross'd over
the Fields and Hills to the Eastward, and came out at the Boarded-River,
and so avoiding the Towns, they left Hornsey
on the left
Hand, and Newington on the right Hand, and came into the great
Road
about Stamford-Hill on that side, as the three Travellers had
done on
the other side: And now they had Thoughts of going over the River in
the Marshes, and make forwards to Epping Forest, where they
hoped they
should get leave to Rest. It seems they were not Poor, at least not so
Poor as to be in Want; at least they had enough to subsist them
moderately for two or three Months, when, as they said, they were in
Hopes the cold Weather would check the Infection, or at least the
Violence of it would have spent itself, and would abate, if it
were only for want of People left alive to be Infected.
This was much the Fate of our three Travellers; only that they seem'd
to be the better furnish'd for Travelling, and had it in their View to
go further off; for as to the first, they did not propose to go farther
than one Day's Journey, that so they might have Intelligence every two
or three Days how Things were at London.
But here our Travellers found themselves under an unexpected
Inconvenience namely, that of their Horse, for by means of the Horse to
carry their Baggage, they were obliged to keep in the Road, whereas the
People of this other Band went over the Fields or Roads, Path or no
Path, Way, or no Way, as they pleased; neither had they any Occasion to
pass thro' any Town, or come near any Town, other than to buy such
Things as they wanted for their necessary Subsistence, and in that
indeed they were put to much Difficulty: Of which in its Place.
But our three Travellers were oblig'd to keep the Road, or else they
must commit Spoil and do the Country a great deal of Damage in
breaking down Fences and Gates, to go over enclosed Fields, which they
were loth to do if they could help it.
Our three Travellers however had a great Mind to join themselves to
this Company, and take their Lot with them; and after some Discourse,
they laid aside their first Design which look'd Northward, and resolv'd
to follow the other into Essex; so in the Morning they took up
their
Tent and loaded their Horse, and away they travelled all together.
They had some Difficulty in passing the Ferry at the River side, the
Ferry-Man being afraid of them; but after some Parly at a Distance, the
Ferry-Man was content to bring his Boat to a Place distant from
the usual Ferry, and leave it there for them to take it; so putting
themselves over, he directed them to leave the Boat, and he having
another Boat, said he would fetch it again, which it seems however he
did not do for above Eight Days.
Here giving the Ferry-Man Money before-hand, they had a Supply of
Victuals and Drink, which he brought and left in the Boat for them, but
not without, as I said,
having receiv'd the Money before-hand. But now our Travellers were at a
great Loss and Difficulty how to get the Horse over, the Boat being
small and not fit for it, and at last cou'd not do it without unloading
the Baggage, and making him swim over.
From the River they travelled towards the Forest, but when they came to
Walthamstow the People of that Town denied to admit them,
as was the
Case every where; The Constables and their Watchmen kept them off at a
Distance, and Parly'd with them; they gave the same Account
of themselves as before, but these gave no Credit to what they said,
giving it for a Reason that two or three Companies had already come
that Way and made the like Pretences, but that they had given several
People the Distemper in the Towns where they had pass'd, and had been
afterwards so hardly us'd by the Country, tho' with Justice too, as
they had deserv'd; that about Brent-Wood or that Way, several of them
Perish'd in the Fields, whether of the Plague, or of mere Want and
Distress, they could not tell.
This was a good Reason indeed why the People of Walthamstow
shou'd be
very cautious, and why they shou'd resolve not to entertain any Body
that they were not well satisfied of. But as Richard the
Joyner, and
one of the other Men who parly'd with them told them, it was no Reason
why they should block up the Roads, and refuse to let People pass thro'
the Town, and who ask'd nothing of them, but to go through the Street:
That if their People were afraid of them, they might go into their
Houses and shut their Doors, they would neither show them Civility nor
Incivility, but go on about their Business.
The Constables and Attendants, not to be perswaded by Reason, continued
Obstinate, and wou'd hearken to nothing; so the two Men that talk'd
with them went back to their Fellows, to consult what was to be done:
It was very discouraging in the whole, and they knew not what to do for
a good while: But at last John the Soldier and Biscuit-Baker
considering a-while, Come, says he, leave the rest of the Parly to me;
he had not appear'd yet, so he sets the Joyner Richard to Work
to cut
some Poles out of the Trees, and shape them as like Guns as he could,
and in a little time he had five or six fair Muskets, which at a
Distance would not be known; and about the Part where the Lock of a Gun
is, he caused them to wrap Cloths and Rags, such as they had, as
Soldiers do in wet Weather, to preserve the Locks of their Pieces
from Rust, the rest was discolour'd with Clay or Mud, such as they
could get; and all this while the rest of them sat under the Trees by
his Direction, in two or three Bodies, where they made Fires at a good
Distance from one another.
While this was doing, he advanc'd himself and two or three with him,
and set up their Tent in the Lane within sight of the Barrier which the
Town's Men had made, and set a Centinel just by it with the real Gun,
the only one they had, and who walked to and fro with the Gun on his
Shoulder, so as that the People of the Town might see them; also he
ty'd the Horse to a Gate in the Hedge just by, and got some dry Sticks
together and kindled a Fire on the other Side of the Tent, so that the
People of the Town cou'd see the Fire and the Smoak, but cou'd not see
what they were doing at it.
After the Country People had look'd upon them very earnestly a great
while, and by all that they could see, cou'd not but suppose that they
were a great many in Company, they began to be uneasie, not for their
going away, but for
flaying where they were; and above all perceiving they had Horses
and Arms, for they had seen one Horse and one Gun at the Tent, and they
had seen others of them walk about the Field on the inside of the
Hedge, by the Side of the Lane with their Muskets, as they took them to
be, Shoulder'd: I say, upon such a Sight as this, you may be assured
they were Alarm'd and terribly Frighted; and it seems they went to a
Justice of the Peace to know what they should do; what the Justice
advis'd them to I know not, but towards the Evening they call'd from
the Barrier, as above, to the Centinel at the Tent.
What do you want? says John.
It seems John was in the
Tent, but hearing them call he
steps out, and taking the Gun upon his Shoulder, talk'd to them as if
he had been the Centinel plac'd there upon the Guard by some Officer
that was his Superior. |
Why, what do you intend to do? says the Constable.
To do, says John, What would you have us to do?
Const. Why don't you be gone? what do you stay there for?
John. Why do you stop us on the King's Highway, and
pretend to refuse
us Leave to go on our Way?
Const. We are not bound to tell you our Reason, though we did let
you
know, it was because of the Plague.
John. We told you we were all sound, and free from the
Plague, which we
were not bound to have satisfied you of, and yet you pretend to stop us
on the Highway.
Const. We have a Right to stop it up, and our own Safety obliges us
to
it; beside this is not the King's Highway, 'tis a Way upon
Sufferance; you see here is a Gate, and if we do let People pass here,
we make them pay Toll?
John. We have a Right to seek our own Safety as well as
you, and you may see we are flying for our Lives, and 'tis very
unchristian and unjust to stop us.
Const. You may go back from whence you came; we do not
hinder you from
that.
John. No, it is a stronger Enemy than you that keeps us
from doing
that; or else we should not ha' come hither.
Const. Well, you may go any other way then.
John. No, no: I suppose you see we are able to send you
going, and all
the People of your Parish, and come thro' your Town, when we will; but
since you have stopt us here, we are content; you see, we have encamp'd
here, and here we will live: we hope you will furnish us with Victuals.
Const. We furnish you! What mean you by that?
John. Why you would not have us Starve, would you? If you
stop us here,
you must keep us.
Const. You will be ill kept at our Maintenance.
John. If you stint us, we shall make ourselves the
better
Allowance.
Const. Why you will not pretend to quarter upon us by
Force, will you?
John. We have offer'd no Violence to you yet, why do you
seem to oblige
us to it? I am an old Soldier, and cannot starve, and if you think that
we shall be obliged to go back for want of Provisions, you are mistaken.
Const. Since you threaten us, we shall take Care to be
strong enough
for you: I have Orders to raise the County upon you.
John. It is you that threaten, not we: And since you are
for Mischief,
you cannot blame us, if
This frighted the Constable and the
people that were with him, that they immediately chang'd their Note. |
we do not give you time for it; we shall begin
our March in a few Minutes.
Const. What is it you demand of us ?
John. At first we desir'd nothing of you, but Leave to go
thro' the
Town; we should have offer'd no Injury to any of you, neither would you
have had any Injury or Loss by us. We are not Thieves, but poor People
in distress, and flying from the dreadful Plague in London,
which
devours thousands every Week: We wonder how you could be so unmerciful!
Const, Self-preservation obliges us.
John. What! to shut up your Compassion in a Case of such
Distress as
this?
Const. Well, if you will pass over the Fields on your Left-hand,
and
behind that Part of the Town, I will endeavour to have Gates
open'd for you.
John. Our Horsemen cannot pass with our Baggage that Way;
it does not
lead into the Road that we want to go; and why should you force us out
of the Road? besides, you have kept us here all Day without any
Provisions, but such as we brought with us; I think you ought to
send us some Provisions for our Relief.
They had but one Horse among them. |
Const. If you will go another Way, we will send you some
Provisions.
John. That is the way to have all the Towns in the County
stop up the
Ways against us.
Const. If they all furnish you with Food, what will you be the
worse, I
see you have Tents, you want no Lodging.
John. Well, what Quantity of Provisions will you send us?
Const. How many are you?
John. Nay, we do not ask enough for all our Company, we
are in three
Companies; if you will send us Bread for twenty Men, and about six or
seven Women for three Days, and shew us
the Way over the Field you speak of, we desire not to put your People
into any fear for us, we will go out of our Way to oblige you, tho' we
are as free from Infection as you are.
Const. And will you assure us that your other People shall
offer us no
new Disturbance.
John. No, no, you may depend on it.
Const. You must oblige your self too that none of your
People shall
come a step nearer than where the Provisions we send you shall be set
down.
John. I answer for it we will not.
Accordingly they sent to the Place twenty Loaves of Bread, and three or
four large pieces of good Beef, and open'd some Gates through which
they pass'd, but none of them had Courage so much as to look out to see
them go, and, as it was Evening, if they had look'd they cou'd not have
seen them so as to know how few they were.
This was John the Soldier's Management. But this gave such an
Alarm to
the County, that had they really been two or three Hundred, the whole
County would have been rais'd upon them, and they wou'd ha' been sent
to Prison, or perhaps knock'd on the Head.
They were soon made sensible of this, for two Days afterwards they
found several Parties of Horsemen and Footmen also about, in pursuit of
three Companies of Men arm'd, as they said, with Muskets, who
were
broke out from London, and had the Plague upon them; and that
were not
only spreading the Distemper among the People, but plundering the
Country.
As they saw now the Consequence of their Case, they soon saw the Danger
they were in, so they resolv'd by the Advice also of the old Soldier,
to
divide themselves again. John and his two Comrades with the
Horse, went away as if towards Waltham; the other in two
Companies, but all a little asunder, and went towards Epping.
Here he call'd to one of his Men,
and bade him order Capt. Richard
and his People to March the Lower Way on the side of the Marshes, and
meet them in the Forest; which was all a Sham, for they had no Captain Richard,
or any such Company. |
The first Night they Encamp'd all in the Forest, and not far off of one
another, but not setting up the Tent lest that should discover them: On
the other hand Richard went to work with his Axe and his
Hatchet, and cutting down Branches of Trees, he built three Tents or
|Hovels, in which they all Encamp'd with as much Convenience as they
could expect.
The Provisions they had had at Walthamstow serv'd them very
plentifully
this Night, and as for the next they left it to Providence; they had
far'd so well with the old Soldier's Conduct, that they now willingly
made him their Leader; and the first of his Conduct appear'd to be very
good: He told them that they were now at a proper Distance enough from London;
that as they need not be immediately beholden to
the Country
for Relief, so they ought to be as careful the Country did not infect
them, as that they did not infect the Country; that what little Money
they had they must be as frugal of as they could; that as he would not
have them think of offering the Country any Violence, so they must
endeavour to make the Sense of their Condition go as far with the
Country as it could: They all referr'd themselves to his Direction; so
they left their 3 Houses standing, and the next Day went away towards Epping;
the Captain also, for so they now called him, and
his two
Fellow Travellers laid aside their Design of going to Waltham,
and all
went together. When they came near Epping they halted, choosing
out a proper Place in the open Forest, not very near the High-way,
but not far out of it on the North-side, under a little cluster of low
Pollard-Trees: Here they pitched their little Camp, which consisted of
three large Tents or Hutts made of Poles, which their Carpenter, and
such as were his Assistants, cut down and fix'd in the Ground in a
Circle, binding all the small Ends together at the Top, and thickning
the sides with Boughs of Trees and Bushes, so that they were
compleatly close and warm. They had besides this, a little Tent where
the Women lay by themselves, and a Hutt to put the Horse in.
It happened the next day, or next but one, was Market-day at Epping;
when Capt. John, and one of the other Men,
went to Market, and
bought some Provisions, that is to say Bread, and some Mutton and Beef;
and two of the Women went separately, as if they had not belong'd to
the rest, and bought more. John took the Horse to bring it Home, and
the Sack (which the Carpenter carry'd his Tools in) to put it in: The
Carpenter went to Work and made them Benches and Stools to sit on, such
as the Wood he cou'd get wou'd afford, and a kind of a Table to dine on.
They were taken no Notice of for two or three Days, but after that,
abundance of People ran out of the Town to look at them, and all the
Country was alarmed about them. The People at first seem'd afraid to
come near them, and on the other Hand, they desir'd the People to keep
off, fcr there was a Rumour that the Plague was at Waltham, and
that it
had been in Epping two or three Days. So John call'd
out to them not to
come to them, For, says he, we are all whole and sound
People here, and
we would not have you bring the Plague among us, nor pretend we
brought it among you.
After this the Parish Officers came up to them and parly'd with them at
a Distance, and desir'd to know who they were, and by what Authority
they pretended to fix their Stand at that Place? John answered
very
frankly, they were poor distressed People from London, who
foreseeing the Misery they should be reduc'd to, if the Plague
spread into the City, had fled out in time for their Lives, and having
no Acquaintance or Relations to fly to, had first taken up at
Islington, but the Plague being come into that Town, were fled further,
and as they suppos'd that the People of Epping might have
refus'd them
coming into their Town, they had pitch'd their Tents thus in the open
Field, and in the Forest, being willing to bear all the Hardships of
such a disconsolate Lodging, rather than have any one think or be
afraid that they should receive Injury by them.
At first the Epping People talk'd roughly to them, and told
them they
must remove; that this was no Place for them; and that they pretended
to be Sound and Well, but that they might be infected with the Plague
for ought they knew, and might infect the whole Country, and they cou'd
not suffer them there.
John argu'd very calmly with them a great while, and told them, That London
was the Place by which they, that is, the Townsmen
of Epping
and all the Country round them, subsisted; to whom they
sold the produce of their Lands, and out of whom they made the Rent of
their Farms; and to be so cruel to the Inhabitants of London,
or to
any of those by whom they gain'd so much, was very hard, and they
would be loth to have it remembered hereafter, and have it told how
barbarous, how inhospitable and how unkind they were to the People of London,
when they fled from the Face of the most terrible Enemy in the World;
that it would be enough to make the Name of an Epping-Man
hateful thro' all the City, 'and to have the
Rabble Stone
them in the very Streets, whenever they came so much as to Market;
that they 'were not yet secure from being Visited themselves, and 'that
as he heard, Waltham was already; that they would think it very
hard
that when any of them fled for Fear before they were touch'd, they
should be deny'd the Liberty of lying so much as in the open Fields.
The Epping Men told them again, That they, indeed, said they
were sound
and free from the Infection, but that they had no assurance of it; and
that it was reported, that there had been a great Rabble of People at Walthamstow,
who made such Pretences of being sound, as
they did, but
that they threaten'd to plunder the Town, and force their Way whether
the Parish Officers would or no; that they were near 200 of them, and
had Arms and Tents like Low-Country Soldiers; that they extorted
Provisions from the Town by threatning them with living upon them
at free Quarter, shewing their Arms, and talking in the Language of
Soldiers; and that several of them being gone away towards Rumford
and Brent-Wood, the Country had been
infected by them, and the
Plague spread into both those large Towns, so that the People durst not
go to Market there as usual; that it was very likely they were some of
that Party, and if so, they deserv'd to be sent to the County Jail,
and be secur'd till they had made Satisfaction for the Damage they had
done, and for the Terror and Fright they had put the Country into.
John answer'd, That what other People had done was nothing
to them;
that he assured them they were all of one Company; that they had never
been more in Number than they saw them at that time; (which by the way
was very true)
that they came out in two seperate Companies, but joyn'd by the
Way, their Cases being the same; that they were ready to give what
Account of themselves any Body cou'd desire of them, and to give in
their Names and Places of Abode, that so they might be call'd to an
Account for any Disorder that they might be guilty of; that the
Townsmen might see they were content to live hardly, and only
desir'd a little Room to breath in on the Forest where it was wholsome,
for where it was not they cou'd not stay, and wou'd decamp if they
found it otherwise there.
But, said the Townsmen, we have a great charge of Poor upon our Hands
already, and we must take care not to encrease it; we suppose you can
give us no Security against your being chargeable to our Parish and to
the Inhabitants, any more than you can of being dangerous to us as to
the Infection.
Why look you, says John, as to being chargeable to you, we hope
we
shall not; if you will relieve us with Provisions for our present
Necessity, we will be very thankful; as we all liv'd without Charity
when we were at 'Home, so we will oblige ourselves fully to repay you,
if God please to bring us back to our own Families and Houses in
Safety, and to restore Health to the People of London,
's to our dying here, we assure you, if any of us die, we that
survive, will bury them, and put you to no Expence, except it should
be that we should all die, and then indeed the last Man not being able
to bury himself, would put you to that single Expence, which I am
perswaded, says John, he would leave enough behind him to pay
you for
the Expence of.
'On the other Hand, says John, if you will shut up all Bowels of
Compassion and not relieve us at all, we shall not extort any thing by
Violence, or steal from any one; but when what little we have is
spent, if we perish for want, God's Will be done.
John wrought so upon the Townsmen by talking thus rationally and
smoothly to them, that they went away; and tho' they did not give any
consent to their staying there, yet they did not molest them; and the
poor People continued there three or four Days longer without any
Disturbance. In this time they had got some remote Acquaintance
with a Victualling-House at the out-skirts of the Town, to whom they
called at a Distance to bring some little Things that they wanted, and
which they caus'd to be set down at a Distance, and always paid for
very honestly.
During this Time, the younger People of the Town came frequently pretty
near them, and wou'd stand and look at them, and sometimes talk with
them at some Space between; and particularly it was observed, that the
first Sabbath Day the poor People kept retir'd, worship'd God together,
and were heard to sing Psalms.
These Things and a quiet inoffensive Behaviour, began to get them
the good Opinion of the Country, and People began to pity them and
speak very well of them; the Consequence of which was, that upon the
occasion of a very wet rainy Night, a certain Gentleman who lived in
the Neighbourhood, sent them a little Cart with twelve Trusses or
Bundles of Straw, as well for them to lodge upon, as to cover and
thatch their Huts, and to keep them dry: The Minister of a Parish not
far off, not knowing of the other, sent them also about two Bushels of
Wheat, and half a Bushel of white Peas.
They were very thankful to-be-sure for this Relief, andH particularly
the Straw was a very great Comfort to them; for tho' the ingenious
Carpenter had made Frames for them to lie in like Troughs, and fill'd
them with Leaves of Trees, and such Things as they could get, and had
cut all their Tent-cloth out to make them Coverlids, yet they lay
damp, and hard, and unwholesome till this Straw came, which was to them
like Feather-beds, and, as John said, more welcome than
Feather-beds
wou'd ha' been at another time.
This Gentleman and the Minister having thus begun and given an Example
of Charity to these Wanderers, others quickly followed, and they
receiv'd every Day some Benevolence or other from the People, but
chiefly from the Gentlemen who dwelt in the Country round about; some
sent them Chairs, Stools, Tables, and such Houshold Things as they gave
Notice they wanted; some sent them Blankets, Rugs, and Coverlids; some
Earthenware ; and some Kitchin-ware or ordering their Food.
Encourag'd by this good Usage, their Carpenter in a few Days, built
them a large Shed or House with Rafters, and a Roof in Form, and an
upper Floor in which they lodged warm, for the Weather began to be damp
and cold in the Beginning of September; But this House being
very well
Thatch'd, and the Sides and Roof made very thick, kept out the Cold
well enough: He made also an earthen Wall at one End, with a Chimney in
it; and another of the Company, with a vast deal of Trouble and Pains,
made a Funnel to the Chimney to carry out the Smoak.
Here they liv'd very comfortably, tho' coarsely, till the beginning of
September, when they had the bad News to hear, whether true or not,
that the Plague, which was very hot at Waltham-Abby on one
side, and at Rumford and Brent-Wood on the other side;
was also come to Epping, to Woodford, and to most of
the Towns upon the Forest, and which, as they said, was brought down
among them chiefly by the Higlers and such People as went to and from London
with Provisions.
If this was true, it was an evident Contradiction to that Report which
was afterwards spread all over England, but which, as I have
said, I
cannot confirm of my own Knowledge, namely, That the Market People
carrying Provisions to the City, never got the Infection or carry'd it
back into the Country; both which I have been assured, has been
false.
It might be that they were preserv'd even beyond Expectation,
though not to a Miracle, that abundance went and come, and were not
touch'd, and that was much for the Encouragement of the poor People of London,
who had been compleatly miserable, if the People
that brought
Provisions to the Markets had not been many times wonderfully
preserv'd, or at least more preserv'd than cou'd be reasonably expected.
But now these new Inmates began to be disturbed more effectually, for
the Towns about them were really infected, and they began to be afraid
to trust one another so much as to go abroad for such things as they
wanted, and this pinch'd them very hard; for now they had little or
nothing but what the charitable Gentlemen of the County supply'd them
with; But for their Encouragement it happen'd, that other
Gentlemen in the Country who had not sent 'em any thing before, began
to hear of them and supply them, and one sent them a large Pig, that is
to say, a Porker; another two Sheep; and another sent them a Calf: In
short, they had Meat enough, and, sometimes had Cheese and Milk, and
all such things; They were chiefly
put to it for Bread, for when the Gentlemen sent them Corn they
had no where to bake it, or to grind it: This made them eat the first
two Bushel of Wheat that was sent them in parched Corn, as the
Israelites of old did without grinding or making Bread of it.
At last they found means to carry their Corn to a Windmill near Woodford,
where they had it ground; and afterwards the
Biscuit Baker
made a Hearth so hollow and dry that he cou'd bake Biscuit Cakes
tolerably well; and thus they came into a Condition to live without any
assistance or supplies from the Towns; and it was well they did, for
the Country was soon after fully Infected, and about 120 were said to
have died of the Distemper in the Villages near them, which was a
terrible thing to them.
On this they call'd a new Council, and now the Towns had no need
to be afraid they should settle near them, but on the contrary several
Families of the poorer sort of the Inhabitants quitted their Houses,
and built Hutts in the Forest after the same manner as they had done:
But it was observ'd, that several of these poor People that had so
remov'd, had the Sickness even in their Hutts or Booths; the Reason of
which was plain, namely, not because they removed into the Air,
but because they did nor remove time enough, that is to say, not till
by openly conversing with the other People their Neighbours, they had
the Distemper upon them, or, (as may be said) among them, and so
carry'd it about them whither they went: Or, (2.) Because they were not
careful enough after they were safely removed out of the Towns,
not to come in again and mingle with the diseased People.
But be it which of these it will, when our Travellers began to perceive
that the Plague was not only in the Towns, but even in the Tents and
Huts on the Forest near them, they
began then not only to be afraid, but to think of decamping and
removing; for had they stay'd, they wou'd ha' been in manifest Danger
of their Lives.
It is not to be wondered that they were greatly afflicted, at being
oblig'd to quit the Place where they had been so kindly receiv'd, and
where they had been treated with so much Humanity and Charity; but
Necessity, and the hazard of Life, which they came out so far to
preserve, prevail'd with them, and they saw no Remedy. John
however
thought of a Remedy for their present Misfortune, namely, that he would
first acquaint that Gentleman who was their principal Benefactor, with
the Distress they were in, and to crave his Assistance and Advice.
The good charitable Gentleman encourag'd them to quit the Place, for
fear they should be cut off from any Retreat at all, by the Violence of
the Distemper; but whither they should go, that he found very hard to
direct them to. At last John ask'd of him, whether he (being a Justice
of the Peace) would give them Certificates of Health to other Justices,
who they might come before, that so whatever might be their Lot they
might not be repulsed now they had been also so long from London.
This
his Worship immediately granted, and gave them proper Letters of
Health, and from thence they were at Liberty to travel whither they
pleased.
Accordingly they had a full Certificate of Health, intimating,
That they had resided in a Village in the County of Essex so
long, that
being examined and scrutiniz'd sufficiently, and having been retir'd
from all Conversation for above 40 Days, without any appearance of
Sickness, they were therefore certainly concluded to be Sound Men, and
might be safely entertain'd any where, having at last remov'd rather
for fear of the Plague, which was come into such a Town, rather
than for having any signal of Infection upon them, or upon any
belonging to them.
With this Certificate they remov'd, tho' with great Reluctance; and
John inclining not to go far from Home, they mov'd towards the Marshes
on the side of Waltham: But here they found a Man, who it seems
kept a
Weer or Stop upon the River, made to raise the Water for the Barges
which go up and down the River, and he terrified them with dismal
Stories of the Sickness having been spread into all the Towns on the
River, and near the River, on the side of Middlesex and Hertfordshire;
that is to say, into Waltham, Waltham-Cross, Enfield and
Ware, and all
the Towns on the Road, that they were afraid to go that way; tho' it
seems the Man impos'd upon them, for that the thing was not really true.
However it terrified them, and they resolved to move cross the Forest
towards Rumford and Brent-Wood: but they heard that
there were numbers
of People fled out of London that way, who lay up and down in
the
Forest call'd Henalt Forest, reaching near Rumford, and who
having no
Subsistence or Habitation, not only liv'd oddly, and suffered
great Extremities in the Woods and Fields for want of Relief, but were
said to be made so desperate by those Extremities, as that they offer'd
many Violences to the County, robb'd and plunder'd, and kill'd Cattle,
and the like; that others building Hutts and Hovels by the Road-side,
Begg'd, and that with an Importunity next Door to demanding
Relief; so that the County was very uneasy, and had been oblig'd to
take some of them up.
This, in the first Place intimated to them, that they would be sure to
find the Charity and Kindness of the County, which they had found here
where they were before, hardned
and shut up against them; and that on the other Hand, they would be
question'd where-ever they came, and would be in Danger of Violence
from others in like Cases as themselves.
Upon all these Considerations, John, their Captain, in all
their Names,
went back to their good Friend and Benefactor, who had reliev'd them
before, and laying their Case truly before him, humbly ask'd his
Advice; and he as kindly advised them to take up their old Quarters
again, or if not, to remove but a little further out of the Road, and
directed them to a proper Place for them; and as they really wanted
some House rather than Huts to shelter them at that time of the Year,
it growing on towards Michaelmas, they found an old decay'd
House,
which had been formerly some Cottage or little Habitation, but was so
out of repair as scarce habitable, and by the consent of a Farmer to
whose Farm it belong'd, they got leave to make what use of it they
could.
The ingenious Joyner and all the rest by his Directions, went to
work with it, and in a very few Days made it capable to shelter them
all in case of bad Weather, and in which there was an old Chimney, and
an old Oven, tho' both lying in Ruins, yet they made them both fit for
Use, and raising Additions, Sheds, and Leanto's on every side, they
soon made the House capable to hold them all.
They chiefly wanted Boards to make Window-shutters, Floors, Doors,
and several other Things; but as the Gentlemen above favour'd them, and
the Country was by that Means made easy with them, and above all, that
they were known to be all sound and in good health, every Body help'd
them with what they could spare.
Here they encamp'd for good and all, and resolv'd to remove no more;
they saw plainly how terribly alarm'd that County was
every where, at any Body that came from London; and that they
should
have no admittance any where but with the utmost Difficulty, at least
no friendly Reception and Assistance as they had receiv'd here.
Now altho' they receiv'd great Assistance and Encouragement from
the Country Gentlemen and from the People round about them, yet they
were put to great Straits, for the Weather grew cold and wet in October
and November, and they had not been us'd to so much
hardship; so
that they got Colds in their Limbs, and Distempers, but never had
the Infection: And thus about December they came home to
the City
again.
I give this Story thus at large, principally to give an Account what
became of the great Numbers of People which immediately appear'd in the
City as soon as the Sickness abated: For, as I have said, great Numbers
of those that were able and had Retreats in the Country, fled to those
Retreats; So when it was encreased to such a frightful Extremity as I
have related, the midling People who had not Friends, fled to all
Parts of the Country where they cou'd get shelter, as well those that
had Mony to relieve themselves; as those that had not. Those that had
Mony always fled farthest, because they were able to subsist
themselves; but those who were empty, suffer'd, as I have said, great
Hardships, and were often driven by Necessity to relieve their Wants at
the Expence of the Country: By that Means the Country was made very
uneasie at them, and sometimes took them up, tho' even then they scarce
knew what to do with them, and were always very backward to punish
them, but often too they forced them from Place to Place, till
they, were oblig'd to come back again to London.
I have, since my knowing this Story of John and his Brother,
enquir'd
and found, that there were a great many of the poor disconsolate
People, as above, fled into the Country every way, and some of them got
little Sheds, and Barns, and Out-houses to live in, where they cou'd
obtain so much Kindness of the Country, and especially where they
had any the least satisfactory Account to give of themselves, and
particularly that they did not come out of London too late.
But
others,
and that in great Numbers, built themselves little Hutts and Retreats
in the Fields and Woods, and liv'd like Hermits in Holes and Caves, or
any Place they cou'd find; and where, we may be sure, they suffer'd
great Extremities, such that many of them were oblig'd to come back
again whatever the Danger was; and so those little Huts were often
found empty, and the Country People suppos'd the Inhabitants lay
Dead in them of the Plague, and would not go near them for fear, no not
in a great while; nor is it unlikely but that some of the unhappy
Wanderers might die so all alone, even sometimes for want of Help, as
particularly in one Tent or Hutt, was found a Man dead, and on the
Gate of a Field just by, was cut with his Knife in uneven Letters, the
following Words, by which it may be suppos'd the other Man escap'd, or
that one dying first, the other bury'd him as well as he could;
O m I s E
r Y !
W e B o T
H S h a L L D y E ,
W o E , W
o E .
I have given an Account already of what I found to ha' been the Case
down the River among the Sea-faring Men, how the Ships lay in the Offing,
as 'tis call'd, in Rows or Lines a-stern of one
another, quite down from the Pool as far
as I could see. I have been told, that they lay in the same manner
quite down the River as low as Gravesend, and some far beyond,
even
every where, or in every Place where they cou'd ride with Safety as to
Wind and Weather; Nor did I ever hear that the Plague reach'd to any of
the People on board those Ships, except such as lay up in the Pool,
or as high as Deptford Reach, altho' the
People went frequentlv
on Shoar to the Country Towns and Villages, and Farmers Houses, to buy
fresh Provisions, Fowls, Pigs, Calves, and the like for their Supply.
Likewise I found that the Watermen on the River above the Bridge, found
means to convey themselves away up the River as far as they cou'd go;
and that they had, many of them, their whole Families in their Boats,
cover'd with Tilts and Bales, as they call them, and furnish'd with
Straw within for their Lodging; and that they lay thus all along by the
Shoar in the Marshes, some of them setting up little Tents with their
Sails, and so lying under them on Shoar in the Day, and going into
their Boats at Night; and in this manner, as I have heard, the
River-sides were lin'd with Boats and People as long as they had any
thing to subsist on, or cou'd get any thing of the Country; and indeed
the Country People, as well Gentlemen as others, on these and all other
Occasions, were very forward to relieve them, but they were by no means
willing to receive them into their Towns and Houses, and for that we
cannot blame them.
There was one unhappy Citizen, within my Knowledge, who had
been Visited in a dreadful manner, so that his Wife and all his
Children were Dead, and himself and two Servants only left, with
an elderly Woman a near Relation, who had nurs'd those that were dead
as well as she could:
This disconsolate Man goes to a Village near the Town, tho' not
within the Bills of Mortality, and finding an empty House there,
enquires out the Owner, and took the House: After a few Days he got a
Cart and loaded it with Goods, and carries them down to the House; the
People of the Village oppos'd his driving the Cart along, but with
some Arguings, and some Force, the Men that drove the Cart along, got
through the Street up to the Door of the House, there the Conftable
resisted them again, and would not let them be brought in. The Man
caus'd the Goods to be unloaden and lay'd at the Door, and sent the
Cart away; upon which they carry'd the Man before a Justice of Peace;
that is to say, they commanded him to go, which he did. The Justice
order'd him to cause the Cart to fetch away the Goods again, which he
refused to do; upon which the Justice order'd the Constable to pursue
the Carters and fetch them back, and make them re-load the Goods and
carry them away, or to set them in the Stocks till they came for
farther Orders; and if they could not find them, nor the Man would not
consent to take them away, they should cause them to be drawn with
Hooks from the House-Door and burnt in the Street. The poor distress'd
Man upon this fetch'd the Goods again, but with grievous Cries and
Lamentations at the hardship of his Case. But there was no Remedy;
Self-preservation oblig'd the People to those Severities, which they
wou'd not otherwise have been concern'd in: Whether this poor Man
liv'd or dy'd I cannot tell, but it was reported that he had the Plague
upon him at that time; and perhaps the People might report that to
justify their Usage of him; but it was not unlikely, that either he or
his Goods, or both,
were dangerous, when his whole Family had been dead of the Distemper so
little a while before.
I kno' that the Inhabitants of the Towns adjacent to London, were much
blamed for Cruelty to the poor People that ran from the Contagion in
their Distress and many very severe things were done, as may be seen
from what has been said; but I cannot but say also that where there was
room for Charity and Assistance to the People, without apparent Danger
to themselves, they were willing enough to help and relieve them. But
as every Town were indeed Judges in their own Case, so the poor People
who ran abroad in their Extremities, were often ill-used and driven
back again into the Town; and this caused infinite Exclamations and
Out-cries against the Country Towns, and made the Clamour very popular.
And yet more or less, maugre all the Caution, there was not a Town of
any Note within ten (or I believe twenty) Miles of the City, but what
was more or less Infected, and had some died among them, I have heard
the Accounts of several; such as they were reckon'd up as follows.
In Enfield
|
32
|
|
Hertford
|
90
|
|
Bret-Wood
|
70
|
In Hornsey
|
58
|
|
Ware
|
160
|
|
Rumford
|
109
|
In Newington
|
17
|
|
Hodsdon
|
30
|
|
Barking abt.
|
200
|
In Tottenham
|
42
|
|
Waltham Ab.
|
23
|
|
Branford
|
432
|
In Edmonton
|
19
|
|
Epping
|
26
|
|
Kingston
|
122
|
In Barnet and Hadly
|
43
|
|
Deptford
|
623
|
|
Stanes
|
82
|
In S. Albans
|
121
|
|
Greenwich
|
231
|
|
Chertsey
|
18
|
In Watford
|
45
|
|
Eltham and Lusum
|
85
|
|
Windsor
|
103
|
In Uxbridge
|
117
|
|
Croydon
|
61
|
|
cum aliis.
|
Another thing might render the Country more strict with respect to the
Citizens, and especially with respect to the Poor; and this was what I
hinted at before, namely, that there was a seeming propensity, or
a wicked Inclination in those that were Infected to infect others.
There have been great Debates among our Physicians, as to the
Reason of this; some will have it to be in the Nature of the Disease,
and that it impresses every one that is seiz'd upon by it, with a kind
of a Rage, and a hatred against their own Kind, as if there was a
malignity, not only in the Distemper to communicate it self, but in the
very Nature of Man, prompting him with evil Will, or an evil Eye, that as
they say in the Case of a mad Dog, who tho' the
gentlest Creature
before of any of his Kind, yet then will fly upon and bite any one that
comes next him, and those as soon as any, who had been most observ'd
by him before.
Others plac'd it to the Account of the Corruption of humane Nature,
which cannot bear to see itself more miserable than others of its
own Specie, and has a kind of involuntary Wish, that all Men were as
unhappy, or in as bad a Condition as itself.
Others say, it was only a kind of Desperation, not knowing or regarding
what they did, and consequently unconcern'd at the Danger or Safety,
not only of any Body near them, but even of themselves also. And
indeed when Men are once come to a Condition to abandon
themselves, and be unconcern'd for the Safety, or at the Danger of
themselves, it cannot be so much wondered that they should be careless
of the Safety of other People.
But I choose to give this grave Debate a quite different turn, and
answer it or resolve it all by saying, That I do not grant the Fact.
On the contrary, I say, that the Thing is not
really so, but that it was a general Complaint rais'd by the People
inhabiting the out-lying Villages against the Citizens, to justify, or
at least excuse those Hardships and Severities so much talk'd of, and
in which Complaints, both Sides may be said to have injured one
another; that is to say, the Citizens pressing to be received and
harbour'd in time of Distress, and with the Plague upon them, complain
of the Cruelty and Injustice of the Country People, in being
refused Entrance, and forc'd back again with their Goods and Families;
and the Inhabitants finding themselves so imposed upon, and the
Citizens breaking in as it were upon them whether they would or no,
complain, that when they were infected, they were not only regardless
of others, but even willing to infect them; neither of which were
really true, that is to say, in the Colours they were describ'd in.
It is true, there is something to be said for the frequent Alarms
which were given to the Country, of the resolution of the People in London
to come out by Force, not only for Relief, but to
Plunder and
Rob, that they ran about the Streets with the Distemper upon them
without any control; and that no Care was taken to shut up Houses, and
confine the sick People from infecting others; whereas, to do the Londoners
Justice, they never practised such things,
except in such
particular Cases as I have mention'd above, and such-like. On the other
Hand every thing was managed with so much Care, and such excellent
Order was observed in the whole City and Suburbs, by the Care of the
Lord Mayor and Aldermen; and by the Justices of the Peace,
Church-wardens, &c. in the out-Parts, that London may be a
Pattern
to all the Cities in the World for the good Government and the
excellent Order that was every where kept, even in the Time of the most
violent Infection; and when the People were in the utmost Consternation
and Distress. But of this I shall speak by itself.
One thing, it is to be observ'd, was owing principally to the Prudence
of the Magistrates, and ought to be mention'd to their Honour, (viz.)
The Moderation which they used in the great and difficult Work of
shutting up of Houses: It is true, as I have mention'd, that the
shutting up of Houses was a great Subject of Discontent, and I may
say indeed the only Subject of Discontent among the People at that
time; for the confining the Sound in the same House with the Sick, was
counted very terrible, and the Complaints of People so confin'd were
very grievous; they were heard into the very Streets, and they were
sometimes such that called for Resentment, tho' oftner for Compassion;
they had no way to converse with any of their Friends but out at their
Windows, where they wou'd make such piteous Lamentations, as often
mov'd the Hearts of those they talk'd with, and of others who passing
by heard their Story; and as those Complaints oftentimes reproach'd the
Severity, and sometimes the Insolence of the Watchmen plac'd at
their Doors, those Watchmen wou'd answer saucily enough; and perhaps be
apt to affront the People who were in the Street talking to the said
Families; for which, or for their ill Treatment of the Families, I
think seven or eight of them in several Places were kill'd; I know not
whether I should say murthered or not, because I cannot enter into
the particular Cases. It is true, the Watchmen were on their Duty, and
acting in the Post where they were plac'd by a lawful Authority; and
killing any publick legal Officer in the Execution of his Office is
always in
the Language of the Law call'd Murther. But as they were not authoriz'd
by the Magistrate's Instructions, or by the Power they acted
under, to be injurious or abusive, either to the People who were
under their Observation, or to any that concern'd themselves for them;
so when they did so, they might be said to act themselves, not their
Office; to act as private Persons, not as Persons employ'd; and
consequently if they brought Mischief upon themselves by such an undue
Behaviour, that Mischief was upon their own Heads; and indeed they
had so much the hearty Curses of the People, whether they deserv'd it
or not, that whatever befel them no body pitied them, and every Body
was apt to say, they deserv'd it, whatever it was; nor do I remember
that any Body was ever punish'd, at least to any considerable Degree,
for whatever was done to the Watchmen that guarded their Houses.
What variety of Stratagems were used to escape and get out of Houses
thus shut up, by which the Watchmen were deceiv'd or overpower'd, and
that the People got away, I have taken notice of already, and shall say
no more to that: But I say the Magistrates did moderate and ease
Families upon many Occasions in this Case, and particularly in that of
taking away, or suffering to be remov'd the sick Persons out of such
Houses, when they were willing to be remov'd either to a Pest-House, or
other Places, and sometimes giving the well Persons in the Family so
shut up, leave to remove upon Information given that they were well,
and that they would confine themselves in such Houses where they went,
so long as should be requir'd of them. The Concern also of the
Magistrates for the supplying such poor Families as were infected; I
say, supplying them with Necessaries, as well Physick as
Food, was very great, and in which they did not content themselves with
giving the necessary Orders to the Officers appointed, but the
Aldermen in Person, and on Horseback frequently rid to such Houses, and
caus'd the People to be ask'd at their Windows, whether they were
duly attended, or not? Also, whether they wanted any thing that was
necessary, and if the Officers had constantly carry'd their Messages,
and fetch'd them such things as they wanted, or not? And if they
answer'd in the Affirmative, all was well; but if they complain'd, that
they were ill supply'd, and that the Officer did not do his Duty, or
did not treat them civilly, they (the Officers) were generally remov'd,
and others plac'd in their stead.
It is true, such Complaint might be unjust, and if the Officer had such
Arguments to use as would convince the Magistrate, that he was right,
and that the People had injur'd him, he was continued, and they
reprov'd. But this part could not well bear a particular Inquiry, for
the Parties could very ill be brought face to face, and a Complaint
could not be well heard and answer'd in the Street, from the Windows,
as was the Case then; the Magistrates therefore generally chose to
favour the People, and remove the Man, as what seem'd to be the
least Wrong, and of the least ill Consequence; seeing, if the Watchman
was injur'd yet they could easily make him amends by giving him another
Post of the like Nature; but if the Family was injur'd, there was no
Satisfaction could be made to them, the Damage perhaps being
irreparable, as it concerned their Lives.
A great variety of these Cases frequently happen'd between the
Watchmen and the poor People shut up, besides those I formerly
mention'd about escaping; Sometimes the Watchmen were absent, sometimes
drunk, sometimes asleep when the People wanted them, and such never
fail'd to be punish'd severely, as indeed they deserv'd.
But after all that was or could be done in these Case the shutting up
of Houses, so as to confine those that were well, with those that were
sick, had very great Inconveniences in it, and some that were very
tragical, and which merited to have been consider'd if there had been
room for it; but it was authoriz'd by a Law, it had the publick Good in
view, as the End chiefly aim'd at, and all the private Injuries that
were done by the putting it in Execution, must be put to the account of
the publick Benefit.
It is doubtful to this day, whether in the whole it contributed any
thing to the stop of the Infection, and indeed, I cannot say it did;
for nothing could run with greater Fury and Rage than the Infection did
when it was in its chief Violence; tho' the Houses infected were shut
up
as exactly, and as effectually as it was possible. Certain it is, that
if all the infected Persons were effectually shut in, no sound
Person could have been infected by them, because they could not have
come near them. But the Case was this, and I shall only touch it here,
namely, that the Infection was propagated insensibly, and by such
Persons as were not visibly infected, who neither knew who they
infected, or who they were infected by.
A House in White-Cbapel was shut up for the sake of one infected
Maid, who had only Spots, not the Tokens come out upon her, and
recover'd; yet these People obtain'd no Liberty to stir, neither for
Air or Exercise forty Days;
want of Breath, Fear, Anger, Vexation, and all the other Griefs
attending such an injurious Treatment, cast the Mistress of the Family
into a Fever, and Visitors came into the House, and said it was the
Plague, tho' the Physicians declared it was not; however the Family
were oblig'd to begin their Quarantine anew, on the Report of the
Visitor or Examiner, tho' their former Quarantine wanted but a few Days
of being finish'd. This oppress'd them so with Anger and Grief, and, as
before, straiten'd them also so much as to Room, and for want of
Breathing and free Air, that most of the Family fell sick, one of one
Distemper, one of another, chiefly Scorbutick Ailments; only one a
violent Cholick, 'till after several prolongings of their Confinement,
some or other of those that came in with the Visitors to inspect the
Persons that were ill, in hopes of releasing them, brought the
Distemper with them, and infected the whole House, and all or most of
them died, not of the Plague, as really upon them before, but of the
Plague that those People brought them, who should ha' been careful to
have protected them from it; and this was a thing which frequently
happen'd, and was indeed one of the worst Consequences of shutting
Houses up.
I had about this Time a little Hardship put upon me, which I was at
first greatly afflicted at, and very much disturb'd about; tho' as it
prov'd, it did not expose me to any Disaster; and this was being
appointed by the Alderman of Portsoken Ward, one of the
Examiners of
the Houses in the Precinct where I liv'd; we had a large Parish, and
had no less than eighteen Examiners, as the Order call'd us, the People
call'd us Visitors. I endeavour'd with all my might to be excus'd from
such an Employment, and us'd many Arguments with the Alderman's Deputy
to be excus'd; particularly I alledged, that I was against shutting up
Houses at all, and that it would be very hard to oblige me, to be an
Instrument in that which was against my Judgment, and which I did
verily believe would not answer the End it was intended for, but all
the Abatement I could get was only, that whereas the Officer was
appointed by my Lord Mayor to continue two Months, I should be obliged
to hold it but three Weeks, on Condition, nevertheless that I could
then get some other sufficient House-keeper to serve the rest of the
Time for me, which was, in short, but a very small Favour, it
being very difficult to get any Man to accept of such an Employment,
that was fit to be intrusted with it. It is true that shutting up of
Houses had one Effect, which I am sensible was of Moment, namely, it
confin'd the distemper'd People,who would otherwise have been both very
troublesome and very dangerous in their running about Streets with
the Distemper upon them, which when they were dilirious, they would
have
done in a most frightful manner; and as indeed they began to do at
first very much, 'till they were thus restrain'd; nay, so very open
they were, that the Poor would go about and beg at people's Doors, and
say they had the Plague upon them, and beg Rags for their Sotres, or
both, or any thing that dilirious Nature happen'd to think of.
A poor unhappy Gentlewoman, a substantial Citizen's Wife was (if the
Story be true) murther'd by one of these Creatures in Aldersgate-street,
or that Way: He was going along the Street, raving mad to be sure,
and singing, the People only said, he was drunk; but he himself said,
he had the Plague upon him, which, it seems, was true; and meeting this
Gentlewoman, he would kiss her; she was terribly frighted as he was
only a rude Fellow, and she run from him, but the Street being very
thin of People, there
was no body near enough to help her: When she see he would overtake
her, she turn'd, and gave him a Thrust so forcibly, he being but weak,
and push'd him down backward: But very unhappily, she being so near, he
caught hold of her, and pull'd her down also; and getting up first,
master'd her, and kiss'd her; and which was worst of all, when he had
done, told her he had the Plague, and why should not she have it as
well as he. She was frighted enough before, being also young with
Child; but when she heard him say, he had the Plague, she scream'd out
and fell down into a Swoon, or in a Fit, which tho' she recovered a
little, yet kill'd her in a very few Days, and I never heard whether
she had the Plague
or no.
Another infected Person came, and knock'd at the Door of a Citizen's
House, where they knew him very well; the Servant let him in, and being
told the Master of the House was above, he ran up, and came into the
Room to them as the whole Family was at Supper: They began to rise up a
little surpriz'd, not knowing what the Matter was, but he bid them sit
still, he only came to take his leave of them. They ask'd him, Why Mr.
——— where are you going? Going, says he, I have got the Sickness, and
shall die to morrow Night. 'Tis easie to believe, though not to
describe the Consternation they were all in, the Women and the Man's
Daughters which were but little Girls, were frighted almost to Death,
and got up, one running out at one Door, and one at another, some
down-Stairs and some up-Stairs, and getting together as well as they
could, lock'd themselves into their Chambers, and screamed out at
the Window for Help, as if they had been frighted out of their Wits:
The Master more compos'd than they, tho' both frighted and provok'd,
was going to
lay Hands on him, and thro' him down-Stairs, being in a Passion, but
then considering a little the Condition of the Man and the Danger of
touching him, Horror seiz'd his Mind, and he stood still like one
astonished. The poor distemper'd Man all this while, being as well
diseas'd in his Brain as in his Body, stood still like one amaz'd; at
length he turns round, Ay! says he, with all the seeming
calmness
imaginable, Is it so with you all! Are you all disturb'd at me? why
then
Til e'en go home and die there. And so he goes immediately down
Stairs:
The Servant that had let in him goes down after him with a Candle, but
was afraid to go past him and open the Door, so he stood on the Stairs
to see what he wou'd do; the Man went and open'd the Door, and went out
and flung the Door after him: It was some while before the Family
recover'd the Fright, but as no ill Consequence attended, they have
had occasion since to speak of it (you may be sure) with great
Satisfaction. Tho' the Man was gone it was some time, nay, as I heard,
some Days before they recover'd themselves of the Hurry they were in,
nor did they go up and down the House with any assurance, till they had
burnt a great variety of Fumes and Perfumes in all the Rooms, and made
a great many Smoaks of Pitch, of Gunpowder, and of Sulphur, all
separately shifted; and washed their Clothes, and the like: As to the
poor Man, whether he liv'd or dy'd I don't remember.
It is most certain, that if by the Shutting up of Houses the sick had
not been confin'd, multitudes who in the height of their Fever were
Dilirious and Distracted, wou'd ha' been continually running up and
down the Streets, and even as it was, a very great number did so, and
offer'd all sorts of Violence to those they met, even just as a mad
Dog runs on and bites at every one he meets; nor can I doubt but that
shou'd one of those infected diseased Creatures have bitten any
Man or Woman, while the Frenzy of the Distemper was upon them, they, I
mean the Person so wounded, wou'd as certainly ha' been incurably
infected, as one that was sick before and had the Tokens upon him.
I heard of one infected Creature, who running out of his Bed in his
Shirt, in the anguish and agony of his Swellings, of which he had three
upon him, got his Shoes on and went to put on his Coat, but the Nurse
resisting and snatching the Coat from him, he threw her down, run
over her, run down Stairs and into the Street directly to the "Thames
in his Shirt, the Nurse running after him, and calling to the Watch to
stop him; but the Watchmen frighted at the Man, and afraid to touch
him, let him go on; upon which he ran down to the Still-yard Stairs,
threw away his Shirt, and plung'd into the Thames, and, being a good
swimmer, swam quite over the River; and the Tide being coming in, as
they call it, that is running West-ward, he reached the Land not till
he came about the Falcon Stairs, where landing, and finding no People
there, it being in the Night, he ran about the Street there, Naked as
he was, for a good while, when it being by that time High-water, he
takes the River again, and swam back to the Still-yard, landed,
ran up the Streets again to his own House, knocking at the Door, went
up the Stairs, and into his Bed again; and that this terrible
Experiment cur'd him of the Plague, that is to say, that the violent
Motion of his Arms and Legs stretch'd the Parts where the Swellings he
had upon him were, that is to say under his Arms and his Groin, and
caused them to ripen and break; and that the cold of the
Water abated the Fever in his Blood.
I have only to add, that I do not relate this any more than some of the
other, as a Fad within my own Knowledge, so as that I can vouch
the Truth of them, and especially that of the Man being cur'd by
the extravagant Adventure, which I confess I do not think very
possible, but it may serve to confirm the many desperate Things which
the distress'd People falling into, Diliriums, and what we call
Lightheadedness, were frequently run upon at that time, and how
infinitely more such there wou'd ha' been, if such People had not been
confin'd by the shutting up of Houses; and this I take to be the
best, if not the only good thing which was perform'd by
that severe Method.
On the other Hand, the Complaints and the Murmurings were very bitter
against the thing itself.
It would pierce the Hearts of all that came by to hear the piteous
Cries of those infected People, who being thus out of their
Understandings by the Violence of their Pain, or the Heat of their
Blood, were either shut in, or perhaps ty'd in their Beds and Chairs,
to prevent their doing themselves Hurt, and who wou'd make a dreadful
outcry at their being confin'd, and at their being not permitted to die
at large, as they call'd it, and as they wou'd ha' done before.
This running of distemper'd People about the Streets was very dismal,
and the Magistrates did their utmost to prevent it, but as it was
generally in the Night and always sudden, when such attempts were made,
the Officers cou'd not be at hand to prevent it, and even when any got
out in the Day, the Officers appointed did not care to meddle with
them, because, as they were all grievously infected to be sure
when they were come to that Height, so they were
more than ordinarily infectious, and it was one of the most dangerous
Things that cou'd be to touch them; on the other Hand, they generally
ran on, not knowing what they did, till they dropp'd down stark Dead,
or till they had exhausted their Spirits so, as that they wou'd fall
and then die in perhaps half an Hour or an Hour, and which was most
piteous to hear, they were sure to come to themselves intirely in that
half Hour or Hour, and then to make most grievous and piercing Cries
and Lamentations in the deep afflicting Sense of the Condition they
were in. This was much of it before the Order for shutting up of Houses
was strictly put in Execution, for at first the Watchmen were not so
vigorous and severe, as they were afterward in the keeping the
People in; that is to say, before they were, I mean some of them,
severely punish'd for their Neglect, failing in their Duty, and letting
People who were under their Care slip away, or conniving at their going
abroad whether sick or well. But after they saw the Officers
appointed to examine into their Conduct, were resolv'd to have
them do their Duty, or be punish'd for the omission, they were more
exact, and the People were strictly restrain'd; which was a thing they
took so ill, and bore so impatiently, that their Discontents can hardly
be de-scrib'd: But there was an absolute Necessity for it, that must be
confess'd, unless some other Measures had been timely enter'd upon, and
it was too late for that.
Had not this particular of the Sick's been restrain'd as above, been
our Case at that time, London wou'd ha' been the most dreadful
Place
that ever was in the World, there wou'd for ought I kno' have as many
People dy'd in the Streets as dy'd in their Houses; for when the
Distemper was at its height, it generally made them Raving and
Dilirious,
and when they were so, they wou'd never be perswaded to keep in their
Beds but by Force; and many who were not ty'd, threw themselves out of
Windows, when they found they cou'd not get leave to go out of
their Doors.
It was for want of People conversing one with another, in this time of
Calamity, that it was impossible any particular Person cou'd come
at the Knowledge of all the extraordinary Cases that occurr'd in
different Families ; and particularly I believe it was never known to
this Day how many People in their Diliriums drowned themselves in the
Thames, and in the River which runs from the Marshes by Hackney,
which we generally call'd Ware River, or Hackney River;
as to those
which were set down in the Weekly Bill, they were indeed few; nor cou'd
it be known of any of those, whether they drowned themselves by
Accident or not: But I believe, I might reckon up more, who, within the
compass of my Knowledge or Observation, really drowned themselves in
that Year, than are put down in the Bill of all put together, for many
of the Bodies were never found, who, yet were known to be so lost; and
the like in other Methods of Self-Destruction. There was also One
Man in or about Whitecross-street, burnt himself to Death in
his Bed ;
some said it was done by himself, others that it was by the Treachery
of the Nurse that attended him ; but that he had the Plague upon him
was agreed by all.
It was a merciful Disposition of Providence also, and which I have many
times thought of at that time, that no Fires, or no considerable ones
at least, happen'd in the City, during that Year, which, if it had been
otherwise, would have been very dreadful ; and either the People must
have let them alone unquenched, or have come together in
great Crowds and Throngs, unconcern'd at the Danger of the Infection,
not concerned at the Houses they went into, at the Goods they handled,
or at the Persons or the People they came among: But so it was
that excepting that in Cripplegate Parish, and two or three
little
Eruptions of Fires, which were presently extinguish'd, there was no
Disaster of that kind happen'd in the whole Year. They told us a Story
of a House in a Place call'd Swan-Alley, passing from Goswell-street
near the End of Oldstreet into St. John-street, that a
Family was
infected there, in so terrible a Manner that every one of the House
died; the last Person lay dead on the Floor, and as it is supposed, had
laid her self all along to die just before the Fire; the Fire, it seems
had fallen from its Place, being of Wood, and had taken hold of the
Boards and the Joists they lay on, and burnt as far as just to the
Body, but had not taken hold of the dead Body, tho' she had little more
than her Shift on, and had gone out of itself, not hurting the Rest of
the House, tho' it was a slight Timber House. how true this might be, I
do not determine, but the City being to suffer severely the next Year
by Fire, this Year it felt very little of that Calamity.
Indeed considering the Deliriums, which the Agony threw People into,
and how I have mention'd in their Madness, when they
were alone, they did many desperate Things; it was very strange
there were no more Disasters of that kind.
It has been frequently ask'd me, and I cannot say, that I ever knew how
to give a direct Answer to it, how it came to pass that so many
infected People appear'd abroad in the Streets, at the same time that
the Houses which were infected were so vigilantly searched, and all of
them shut
up and guarded as they were.
I confess, I know not what Answer to give to this, unless it be
this, that in so great and populous a City as this is, it was
impossible to discover every House that was infected as soon as it was
so, or to shut up all the Houses that were infected: so that People had
the Liberty of going about the Streets, even where they pleased, unless
they were known to belong to such and such infected Houses.
It is true, that as several Physicians told my Lord Mayor, the Fury of
the Contagion was such at some particular Times, and People
sicken'd so fast, and died so soon, that it was impossible and
indeed to no purpose to go about to enquire who was sick and who was
well, or to shut them up with such Exactness, as the thing
required; almost every House in a whole Street being
infected, and in many Places every Person in some of the Houses;
and that which was still worse, by the time that the Houses were known
to be infected, most of the Persons infected would be stone
dead, and the rest run away for Fear of being shut up; so that it was
to very small Purpose, to call them infected Houses and shut them
up; the Infection having ravaged, and taken its Leave of the House,
before it was really known, that the Family was any way touch'd.
This might be sufficient to convince any reasonable Person, that as
it was not in the Power of the Magistrates, or of any humane Methods or
Policy, to prevent the spreading the Infection; so that this way of
shutting up of Houses was perfectly insufficient for that End.
Indeed it seemed to have no manner of publick Good in it, equal or
proportionable to the grievous Burthen that it was to the particular
Families, that were so shut up; and as far as I
was employed by the publick in directing that Severity, I frequently
found occasion to see, that it was incapable of answering the End. For
Example as I was desired as a Visitor or Examiner to enquire into the
Particulars of several Families which were infected, we scarce
came to any House where the Plague had visibly appear'd in the
Family, but that some of the Family were Fled and gone; the Magistrates
would resent this, and charge the Examiners with being remiss in their
Examination or Inspection: But by that means Houses were long
infected before it was known. Now, as I was in this dangerous Office
but half the appointed time, which was two Months, it was long enough
to inform myself, that we were no way capable of coming at the
Knowledge of the true state of any Family, but by enquiring at the
Door, or of the Neighbours; as for going into every House to search,
that was a part, no Authority wou'd offer to impose on the Inhabitants,
or any Citizen wou'd undertake, for it wou'd ha' been exposing us to
certain Infection and Death, and to the Ruine of our own Families
as well as of ourselves, nor wou'd any Citizen of Probity, and that
cou'd be depended upon, have staid in the Town, if they had been made
liable to such a Severity.
Seeing then that we cou'd come at the certainty of Things by no Method
but that of Enquiry of the Neighbours, or of the Family, and on
that we cou'd not justly depend, it was not possible, but that the
incertainty of this Matter wou'd remain as above.
It is true, Masters of Families were bound by the Order, to give Notice
to the Examiner of the Place wherein he liv'd, within two Hours after
he shou'd discover it, of any Person being sick in his House, that is
to say, having
Signs of the Infection, but they found so many ways to evade this, and
excuse their Negligence that they seldom gave that Notice, till they
had taken Measures to have every one Escape out of the House, who had a
Mind to Escape, whether they were Sick or Sound; and while this was so,
it is easie to see, that the shutting up of Houses was no way to be
depended upon, as a sufficient Method for putting a stop to the
Infection, because, as I have said elsewhere, many of those that so
went out of those infected Houses, had the Plague really upon them,
tho' they might really think themselves Sound: And some of these were
the People that walk'd the Streets till they fell down Dead, not that
they were suddenly struck with the Distemper, as with a Bullet that
kill'd with the Stroke, but that they really had the Infection in their
Blood long before, only, that, as it prey'd secretly on the Vitals, it
appear'd not till it seiz'd the Heart with a mortal Power, and the
Patient died in a Moment, as with a sudden Fainting, or an Apoplectick
Fit.
I know that some, even of our Physicians, thought, for a time, that
those People that so died in the Streets, were seiz'd but that Moment
they fell, as if they had been touch'd by a Stroke from Heaven, as Men
are kill'd by a Flash of Lightning; but they found Reason to alter
their Opinion afterward; for upon examining the Bodies of such after
they were Dead, they always either had Tokens upon them, or other
evident Proofs of the Distemper having been longer upon them, than they
had otherwise expected.
This often was the Reason that, as I have said, we, that were
Examiners, were not able to come at the Knowledge of the Infection
being enter'd into a House, till it was too late
to shut it up; and sometimes not till the People that were left,
were all Dead. In Petticoat-Lane two Houses together were
infected, and
several People sick; but the Distemper was so well conceal'd, the
Examiner, who was my Neighbour, got no Knowledge of it, till
Notice was sent him that the People were all Dead, and that the
Carts should call there to fetch them away. The two Heads of the
Families concerted their Measures, and so order'd their Matters, as
that when the Examiner was in the Neighbourhood, they appeared
generally one at a time, and answer'd, that is, lied for one another,
or got some of the Neighbourhood to say they were all in Health, and
perhaps knew no better, till Death making it impossible to keep it any
longer as a Secret, the dead-Carts were call'd in the Night, to both
the Houses, and so it became publick: But when the Examiner order'd the
Constable to shut up the Houses, there was no Body left in them but
three People, two in one House, and one in the other just dying, and a
Nurse in each House, who acknowledg'd that they had buried five before,
that the Houses had been infected nine or ten Days, and that for all
the rest of the two Families, which were many, they were gone, some
sick, some well, or whether sick or well could not be known.
In like manner, at another House in the same Lane, a Man having his
Family infected, but very unwilling to be shut up, when he could
conceal it no longer, shut up himself; that is to say, he set the great
red Cross upon his Door with the Words LORD HAVE
MERCY UPON US; and so
deluded the Examiner, who suppos'd it had been done by the Constable,
by Order of the other Examiner, for there were two Examiners to every
District or Precinct; by this means he had free egress and regress into
his House
again, and out of it, as he pleas'd notwithstanding it was
infected; till at length his Stratagem was found out, and then he, with
the sound part of his Servants and Family, made off and escaped;
so they were not shut up at all.
These things made it very hard, if not impossible, as I have said,
to
prevent the spreading of an Infection by the shutting up of Houses,
unless the People would think the shutting up of their Houses no
Grievance, and be so willing to have it done, as that they wou'd give
Notice duly and faithfully to the Magistrates of their being
infected, as soon as it was known by themselves: But as that can not be
expected from them, and the Examiners can not be supposed, as above, to
go into their Houses to visit and search, all the good of shutting up
Houses, will be defeated, and few Houses will be shut up in time,
except those of the Poor, who can not conceal it, and of some
People who will be discover'd by the Terror and Consternation which the
Thing put them into.
I got myself discharg'd of the dangerous Office I was in, as soon I
cou'd get another admitted, who I had ob-tain'd for a little Mony to
accept of it; and so, instead of serving the two Months, which was
directed, I was not above three Weeks in it; and a great while too,
considering it was in the Month of August, at which time
the
Distemper began to rage with great Violence at our end of the Town.
In the execution of this Office, I cou'd not refrain speaking my
Opinion among my Neighbours, as to this shutting up the People in their
Houses; in which we saw most evidently the Severities that were used tho'
grievous in themselves, had also this particular
Objection against them, namely, that they did not answer the End, as
I have said, but
that the distemper'd People went Day by Day about the Streets; and it
was our united Opinion, that a Method to have removed the Sound from
the Sick in Case of a particular House being visited, wou'd ha' been
much more reasonable on many Accounts, leaving no Body with the sick
Persons, but such as shou'd on such Occasion request to stay and
declare themselves content to be shut up with them.
Our Scheme for removing those that were Sound from those that were
Sick, was only in such Houses as were infected, and confining the sick
was no Confinement; those that cou'd not stir, wou'd not complain,
while they were in their Senses, and while they had the Power of
judging: Indeed, when they came to be Dilirious and Light-headed, then
they wou'd cry out of the Cruelty of being confin'd; but for the
removal of those that were well, we thought it highly reasonable and
just, for their own sakes, they shou'd be remov'd from the Sick, and
that, for other People's Safety, they shou'd keep retir'd for a while,
to
see that they were sound, and might not infect others; and we thought
twenty or thirty Days enough for this.
Now certainly, if Houses had been provided on purpose for those
that were sound to perform this demy Quarantine in, they wou'd have
much less Reason to think themselves injur'd in such a restraint, than
in being confin'd with infected People, in the Houses where they liv'd.
It is here, however, to be observ'd, that after the Funerals
became so many, that People could not Toll the Bell, Mourn, or Weep, or
wear Black for one another, as they did before; no, nor so much as make
Coffins for those that died; so after a while the fury of the Infection
appeared to
be so encreased, that in short, they shut up no Houses at all; it
seem'd enough that all the Remedies of that Kind had been used till
they were found fruitless, and that the Plague spread itself with an
irresistible Fury, so that, as the Fire the succeeding Year, spread
itself and burnt with such Violence, that the Citizens in Despair, gave
over their Endeavours to extinguish it, so in the Plague, it came at
last to such Violence that the People sat still looking at one another,
and seem'd quite abandon'd to Despair; whole Streets seem'd to be
desolated, and not to be shut up only, but to be emptied of their
Inhabitants; Doors were left open, Windows stood shattering with the
Wind in empty Houses, for want of People to shut them: In a Word,
People began to give up themselves to their Fears, and to think that
all regulations and Methods were in vain, and that there was
nothing to be hoped for, but an universal Desolation; and it was
even in the height of this general Despair, that it pleased God to stay
his Hand, and to slacken the Fury of the Contagion, in such a manner as
was even surprizing like its beginning, and demonstrated it to be his
own particular Hand, and that above, if not without the Agency of
Means, as I shall take Notice of in its proper Place.
But I must still speak of the Plague as in its height, raging even to
Desolation, and the People under the most dreadful Consternation, even,
as I have said, to Despair. It is hardly credible to what Excesses the
Passions of Men carry'd them in this Extremity of the Distemper; and
this Part, I think, was as moving as the rest; What cou'd affect a Man
in his full Power of Reflection; and what could make deeper Impressions
on the Soul, than to see a Man almost Naked and got out of his House,
or perhaps out of his Bed into the Street, come out of Harrow-Alley,
a
populous Conjunction or Collection of Alleys, Courts, and Passages in
the Butcher-row in Whitechappel? I say, What could be more
Affecting,
than to see this poor Man come out into the open Street, run Dancing
and Singing, and making a thousand antick Gestures, with five or six
Women and Children running after him, crying, and calling upon him, for
the Lord's sake to come back and entreating the help of others to bring
him back, but all in vain, no Body daring to lay a Hand upon him, or to
come near him.
This was a most grievous and afflicting thing to me, who see it all
from my own Windows; for all this while, the poor afflicted Man, was,
as
I observ'd it, even then in the utmost Agony of Pain, having, as they
said, two Swellings upon him, which cou'd not be brought to break, or
to suppurate; but by laying strong Causticks on them, the Surgeons had,
it seems, hopes to break them, which Causticks were then upon him,
burning his Flesh as with a hot Iron: I cannot say what became of this
poor Man, but I think he continu'd roving about in that manner till he
fell down and Died.
No wonder the Aspect of the City itself was frightful, the usual
concourse of People in the Streets, and which used to be supplied from
our end of the Town, was abated; the Exchange was not kept shut indeed,
but it was no more frequented; the Fires were lost; they had been
almost extinguished for some Days by a very smart and hasty Rain: But
that was not all, some of the Physicians insisted that they were
not only no Benefit, but injurious to the Health of People: This
they made a loud Clamour about, and complain'd to the Lord Mayor about
it: On the other Hand, others of the same Faculty, and Eminent too,
oppos'd them, and gave their Reasons why the Fires
were and must be useful to asswage the Violence of the Distemper. I
cannot give a full Account of their Arguments on both Sides, only this
I remember, that they cavil'd very much with one another; some were for
Fires, but that they must be made of Wood and not Coal, and of
particular sorts of Wood too, such as Fir in particular, or Cedar,
because of the strong effluvia of Turpentine; Others were for Coal and
not Wood, because of the Sulphur and Bitumen; and others were for
neither one or other. Upon the whole, the Lord Mayor ordered no more
Fires, and especially on this Account, namely, that the Plague was so
fierce that they saw evidently it defied all Means, and rather seemed
to encrease than decrease upon any application to check and abate it;
and yet this Amazement of the Magistrates, proceeded rather from want
of being able to apply any Means successfully, than from any
unwillingness either to expose themselves, or undertake the Care and
Weight of Business; for, to do them Justice, they neither spared their
Pains or their Persons; but nothing answer'd, the Infection rag'd, and
the People were now frighted and terrified to the last Degree, so that,
as I may say, they gave themselves up, and, as I mention'd above,
abandon'd themselves to their Despair.
But let me observe here, that when I say the People abandon'd
themselves to Despair, I do not mean to what Men call a religious
Despair, or a Despair of their eternal State, but I mean a Despair of
their being able to escape the Infection, or to out-live the Plague,
which they saw was so raging and so irresistible in its Force, that
indeed few People that were touch'd with it in its height about August,
and September, escap'd; And, which is very particular,
contrary to
its ordinary Operation in June and July, and the
beginning of August, when, as I have observ'd many were
infected, and continued so many Days, and then went off, after having
had the Poison in their Blood a long time; but now on the contrary,
most of the People who were taken during the two last Weeks in August,
and in the three first Weeks in September, generally died
in two
or three Days at farthest, and many the very same Day they were taken;
Whether the Dog-days, or as our Astrologers pretended to express
themselves, the Influence of the Dog-Star had that malignant Effect; or
all those who had the seeds of Infection before in them, brought it up
to a maturity at that time altogether I know not; but this was the time
when it was reported, that above 3000 People died in one Night; and
they that wou'd have us believe they more critically observ'd it,
pretend to say, that they all died within the space of two Hours,
(viz.) Between the Hours of One and three in the Morning.
As to the Suddenness of People's dying at this time more than before,
there were innumerable Instances of it, and I could name several in my
Neighbourhood; one Family without the Barrs, and not far from me, were
all seemingly well on the Monday, being Ten in Family, that Evening one
Maid and one Apprentice were taken ill, and dy'd the next Morning, when
the other Apprentice and two Children were touch'd, whereof one
dy'd the same Evening, and the other two on Wednesday: In a Word, by
Saturday at Noon, the Master, Mistress, four Children and four Servants
were all gone, and the House left entirely empty, except an ancient
Woman, who came in to take Charge of the Goods for the Master of the
Family's Brother, who liv'd not far off, and who had not been sick.
Many Houses were then left desolate, all the People being carry'd away
dead, and especially in an Alley farther, on the
same Side beyond the Barrs, going in at the Sign of Moses and Aaron;
there were several Houses together, which (they said) had not one
Person left alive int hem, and some that dy'd last in several of
those Houses,
were left a little too long before they were fetch'd out to be bury'd;
the Reason of which was not as some have written very untruly, that the
living were not sufficient to bury the dead; but that the Mortality was
so great in the Yard or Alley, that there was no Body left to give
Notice to the Buriers or Sextons, that there were any dead Bodies there
to be bury'd. It was said, how true I know not, that some of those
Bodies were so much corrupted, and so rotten, that it was with
Difficulty
they were carry'd; and as the Carts could not come any nearer than to
the Alley-Gate in the high Street, it was so much the more difficult to
bring them along; but I am not certain how many Bodies were then left,
I am sure that ordinarily it was not so.
As I have mention'd how the People were brought into a Condition
to despair of Life and abandon themselves, so this very Thing had
a strange Effect among us for three or four Weeks, that is, it made
them bold and venturous, they were no more shy of one another, or
restrained within Doors, but went any where and every where, and
began to converse; one would say to another, I do not ask you how you
are, or say how I am, it is certain we shall all go, so 'tis no
Matter who is sick or who is sound, and so they run desperately into
any Place or any Company.
As it brought the People into publick Company, so it was surprizing how
it brought them to crowd into the Churches; they inquir'd no more into
who they sat near to, or far from, what offensive Smells they met with,
or what condition
the People seemed to be in, but looking upon themselves all as so
many dead Corpses, they came to the Churches without the least Caution,
and crowded together, as if their Lives were of no Consequence,
compar'd to the Work which they came about there: Indeed, the Zeal
which they shew'd in Coming, and the Earnestness and Affection they
shew'd in their Attention to what they heard, made it manifest
what a Value People would all put upon the Worship of God, if they
thought every Day they attended at the Church that it would be their
Last.
Nor was it without other strange Effects, for it took away all Manner
of Prejudice at, or Scruple about the Person who they found in the
Pulpit when they came to the Churches. It cannot be doubted, but that
many of the Ministers of the Parish-Churches were cut off among others
in so common and dreadful a Calamity; and others had not Courage enough
to stand it, but removed into the Country as they found Means for
Escape, as then some Parish-Churches were quite vacant and forsaken,
the People made no Scruple of desiring such Dissenters as had been a
few Years before depriv'd of their Livings, by Virtue of the Act of
Parliament call'd, The Act of Uniformity to preach in the
Churches, nor
did the Church Ministers in that Case make any Difficulty of accepting
their Assistance, so that many of those who they called silenced
Ministers, had their Mouths open'd on this Occasion, and preach'd
publickly to the People.
Here we may observe, and I hope it will not be amiss to take notice of
it, that a near View of Death would soon reconcicile Men of good
Principles one to another, and that it is chiefly owing to our easy
Scituation in Life, and our putting these Things far from us, that our
Breaches are fomented,
ill Blood continued, Prejudices, Breach of Charity and of Christian
Union so much kept and so far carry'd on among us, as it is: Another
Plague Year would reconcile all these Differences, a close conversing
with Death, or with Diseases that threaten Death, would scum off the
Gall from our Tempers, remove the Animosities among us, and bring
us to see with differing Eyes, than those which we look'd on Things
with before; as the People who had been used to join with the
Church, were reconcil'd at this Time, with the admitting the Dissenters
to preach to them: So the Dissenters, who with an uncommon Prejudice,
had broken off from the Communion of the Church of England,
were now
content to come to their Parish-Churches, and to conform to the
Worship which they did not approve of before; but as the Terror of the
Infection abated, those Things all returned again to their less
desirable Channel, and to the Course they were in before.
I mention this but historically, I have no mind to enter into Arguments
to move either, or both Sides to a more charitable Compliance one with
another; I do not see that it is probable such a Discourse would be
either suitable or successful; the Breaches seem rather to widen,
and tend to a widening farther, than to closing, and who am I that I
should think myself able to influence either one Side or other? But
this I may repeat again, that 'tis evident Death will reconcile us all;
on the other Side the Grave we shall be all Brethren again: In Heaven,
whether, I hope we may come from all Parties and Perswasions, we
shall find neither Prejudice or Scruple; there we shall be of one
Principle and of one Opinion, why we cannot be content to go Hand in
Hand to the Place where we shall join Heart and Hand without the least
Hesitation,
and with the most compleat Harmony and Affection; I say, why we cannot
do so here I can say nothing to, neither shall I say any thing more of
it, but that it remains to be lamented.
I could dwell a great while upon the Calamities of this dreadful time,
and go on to describe the Objects that appear'd among us every Day, the
dreadful Extravagancies which the Distraction of sick People drove
them into; how the Streets began now to be fuller of frightful Objects,
and Families to be made even a Terror to themselves: But after I have
told you, as I have above, that One Man being tyed in his Bed, and
finding no other Way to deliver himself, set the Bed on fire with his
Candle, which unhappily stood within his reach, and Burnt himself in
his Bed. And how another, by the insufferable Torment he bore,
danced and sung naked in the Streets, not knowing one Extasie from
another, I say, after I have mention'd these Things, What can be added
more? What can be said to represent the Misery of these Times, more
lively to the Reader, or to give him a more perfect Idea of a
complicated Distress?
I must acknowledge that this time was Terrible, that I was sometimes at
the End of all my Resolutions, and that I had not the Courage that I
had at the Beginning. As the Extremity brought other People abroad, it
drove me Home, and except, having made my Voyage down to Blackwall and
Greenwich, as I have related, which was an
Excursion, I kept afterwards very much within Doors, as I had for about
a Fortnight before; I have said already, that I repented several times
that I had ventur'd to stay in Town, and had not gone away with my
Brother, and his Family, but it was too late for that now; and after I
had retreated and stay'd within Doors a good while, before my
Impatience
led me Abroad, then they call'd me, as I have said, to an ugly and
dangerous Office, which brought me out again; but as that was expir'd,
while the hight of the Distemper lasted, I retir'd again, and
continued close ten or twelve Days more. During which many dismal
Spectacles represented themselves in my View, out of my own Windows,
and in our own Street, as that particularly from Harrow-Alley,
of the
poor outrageous Creature which danced and sung in his Agony, and
many others there were: Scarce a Day or Night pass'd over, but some
dismal Thing or other happened at the End of that Harrow-Alley,
which
was a Place full of poor People, most of them belonging to the
Butchers, or to Employments depending upon the Butchery.
Sometimes Heaps and Throngs of People would burst out of the Alley,
most of them Women, making a dreadful Clamour, mixt or compounded of
Skreetches, Cryings and Calling one another, that we could not conceive
what to make of it; almost all the dead Part of the Night the dead Cart
stood at the End of that Alley, for if it went in it could not well
turn again, and could go in but a little Way. There, I say, it stood to
receive dead Bodys, and as the Church-Yard was but a little Way off, if
it went away full it would soon be back again: It is impossible to
describe the most horrible Cries and Noise the poor People would make
at their bringing the dead Bodies of their Children and Friends out to
the Cart, and by the Number one would have thought, there had been none
left behind, or that there were People enough for a small City liveing
in those Places: Several times they cryed Murther, sometimes Fire but
it was easie to perceive it was all Distraction, and the
Complaints of Distress'd and distemper'd People.
I believe it was every where thus at that time, for the Plague rag'd
for six or seven Weeks beyond all that I have express'd; and came even
to such a height, that in the Extremity, they began to break into that
excellent Order, of which I have spoken so much, in behalf of the
Magistrates, namely, that no dead Bodies were seen in the Streets or
Burials in the Day-time, for there was a Necessity, in this Extremity,
to bear with its being otherwise, for a little while.
One thing I cannot omit here, and indeed I thought it was
extraordinary, at least, it seemed a remarkable Hand of Divine Justice,
(viz.) That all the Predictors, Astrologers,
Fortune-tellers, and
what they call'd cunning-Men, Conjurers, and the like; calculators of
Nativities, and dreamers of Dreams, and such People, were gone and
vanish'd, not one of them was to be found: I am, verily, perswaded
that a great Number of them fell in the heat of the Calamity, having
ventured to stay upon the Prospect of getting great Estates; and indeed
their Gain was but too great for a time, through the Madness and Folly
of the People; but now they were silent, many of them went to their
long Home, not able to foretel their own Fate, or to calculate their
own Nativities; some have been critical enough to say, that every one
of them dy'd; I dare not affirm that; but this I must own, that I never
heard of one of them that ever appear'd after the Calamity was
over.
But to return to my particular Observations, during this dreadful part
of the Visitation; I am now come, as I have said, to the Month of September,
which was the most dreadful of its kind, I
believe, that
ever London saw; for by all the Accounts which I have seen of
the
preceding Visitations which have been in London, nothing has
been like
it; the Number in the Weekly Bill amounting to almost 40,000 from the
22nd of August, to the 26th of September, being
but five Weeks, the particulars of the Bills are as follows, (viz.)
From August the 22nd to the 29th
|
|
|
-----
|
7496
|
To the 5th of September
|
|
----- |
----- |
8252
|
To the 12th
|
----- |
----- |
----- |
7690
|
To the 19th
|
----- |
----- |
----- |
8297
|
To the 26th
|
----- |
----- |
----- |
6460
|
|
|
|
|
________
|
|
|
|
|
38195
|
This was a prodigious Number of itself, but if I should add the Reasons
which I have to believe that this Account was deficient, and how
deficient it was, you would with me, make no Scruple to believe that
there died above ten Thousand a Week for all those Weeks, one Week with
another, and a proportion for several Weeks both before and after: The
Confusion among the People, especially within the City at that time,
was inexpressible; the Terror was so great at last, that the
Courage of the People appointed to carry away the Dead, began
to fail them; nay, several of them died altho' they had the Distemper
before, and were recover'd; and some of them drop'd down when they have
been carrying the Bodies even at the Pitside, and just ready to throw
them in; and this Confusion was greater in the City, because they had
flatter'd themselves with Hopes of escaping: And thought the bitterness
of Death was past: One Cart they told us, going up Shoreditch,
was
forsaken of the Drivers, or being left to one Man to drive, he died in
the Street, and the Horses going on, overthrew the Cart, and left the
Bodies, some thrown out here, some there, in a dismal manner; Another
Cart was it seems found in the great Pit in Finsbury Fields,
the Driver being Dead, or having been
gone and
abandon'd it, and the Horses running too near it, the Cart fell in and
drew the Horses in also: It was suggested that the Driver was thrown in
with it, and that the Cart fell upon him, by Reason his Whip was seen
to be in the Pit among the Bodies; but that, I suppose, cou'd not be
certain.
In our Parish of Aldgate, the dead-Carts were several times, as
I have
heard, found standing at the Churchyard Gate, full of dead Bodies,
but neither Bell man or Driver, or any one else with it; neither in
these, or many other Cases, did they know what Bodies they had in their
Cart, for sometimes they were let down with Ropes out of Balconies and
out of Windows; and sometimes the Bearers brought them to the Cart,
sometimes other People; nor, as the Men themselves said,
did they
trouble themselves to keep any Account of the Numbers.
The Vigilance of the Magistrate was now put to the utmost Trial, and it
must be confess'd, can never be enough acknowledg'd on this Occasion
also, whatever Expence or Trouble they were at, two Things were never
neglected in the City or Suburbs either.
1. Provisions were always to be had in full Plenty, and the Price not
much rais'd neither, hardly worth speaking.
2. No dead Bodies lay unburied or uncovered; and if one walk'd from one
end of the City to another, no Funeral or sign of it was to be
seen
in the Day-time, except a little, as I have said above, in the three
first Weeks in September.
This last Article perhaps will hardly be believ'd, when some Accounts
which others have published since that shall be seen, wherein they say,
that the Dead lay un-buried, which I
am assured was utterly false; at least, if it had been any where so, it
must ha' been in Houses where the Living were gone from the Dead,
having found means, as I have observed, to Escape, and where no Notice
was given to the Officers: All which amounts to nothing at all in the
Case in Hand; for this I am positive in, having myself been
employ'd a little in the Direction of that part in the Parish in
which I liv'd, and where as great a Desolation was made in proportion
to the Number of Inhabitants as was any where. I say, Iam sure that
there were no dead Bodies remain'd unburied; that is to say, none that
the proper Officers knew of; none for want of People to carry them off,
and Buriers to put them into the Ground and cover them; and this is
sufficient to the Argument; for what might lie in Houses and Holes, as
in Moses and Aaron Ally, is nothing; for it is most
certain, they were
buried as soon as they were found. As to the first Article, namely, of
Provisions, the scarcity or dearness, tho' I have mention'd it before,
and shall speak of it again; yet I must observe here,
(1.) The Price of Bread in particular was not much raised; for in the
beginning of the Year (viz.) In the first Week in March,
the Penny
Wheaten Loaf was ten Ounces and a half; and in the height of the
Contagion, it was to be had at nine Ounces and an half, and never
dearer, no not all that Season: And about the beginning of November
it
was sold ten Ounces and a half again; the like of which, I believe, was
never heard of in any City, under so dreadful a Visitation before.
(2.) Neither was there (which I wondred much at) any want of Bakers or
Ovens kept open to supply the People with Bread; but this was indeed
alledg'd by some Families, viz.
That their Maid-Servants going to the Bake-houses with their Dough to
be baked, which was then the Custom, sometimes came Home with the
Sickness, that is to say, the Plague upon them.
In all this dreadful Visitation, there were, as I have said before, but
two Pest-houses made use of, viz. One in the Fields beyond Old-Street,
and one in Westminster: neither was there any Compulsion us'd
in
carrying People thither: Indeed there was no need of Compulsion in
the Case, for there were Thousands of poor distressed People, who
having no Help, or Conveniences, or Supplies but of Charity, would
have been very glad to have been carryed thither, and been taken Care
of, which indeed was the only thing that, I think, was wanting in
the whole publick Management of the City; seeing no Body was here
allow'd to be brought to the Pest-house, but where Money was given, or
Security for Money, either at their introducing, or upon their being
cur'd and sent out; for very many were sent out again whole, and very
good Physicians were appointed to those Places, so that many People did
very well there, of which I shall make Mention again. The principal
Sort of People sent thither were, as I have said, Servants, who got the
Distemper by going of Errands to fetch Necessaries to the Families
where they liv'd: and who in that Case, if they came Home sick, were
remov'd to preserve the rest of the House; and they were so well look'd
after there in all the time of the Visitation, that there was but 156
buried in all at the London Pest-house, and 159 at that of West-minster.
By having more Pest-houses, I am far from meaning a forcing all People
into such Places. Had the shutting up of Houses been omitted, and the
Sick hurried out of their Dwellings to
Pest-houses, as some proposed it seems, at that time as well as since,
it would certainly have been much worse than it was; the very removing
the Sick, would have been a spreading of the Infection, and the rather
because that removing could not effectually clear the House, where
the sick Person was, of the Distemper, and the rest of the Family being
then left at Liberty would certainly spread it among others.
The Methods also in private Families, which would have been universally
used to have concealed the Distemper, and to have conceal'd the
Persons being sick, would have been such, that the Distemper would
sometimes have seiz'd a whole Family before any Visitors or
Examiners could have known of it: On the other hand, the prodigious
Numbers which would have been sick at a time, would have exceeded all
the Capacity of publick Pest-houses to receive them, or of publick
Officers to discover and remove them.
This was well considered in those Days, and I have heard them talk of
it often: The Magistrates had enough to do to bring People to submit to
having their Houses shut up, and many Ways they deceived the Watchmen,
and got out, as I have observed: But that Difficulty made it apparent,
that they would have found it impracticable to have gone the other way
to Work; for they could never have forced the sick People out of their
Beds and out of their Dwellings; it must not have been my Lord Mayor's
Officers, but an Army of Officers that must have attempted it; and
the People, on the other hand, would have been enrag'd and desperate,
and would have kill'd those that should have offered to have meddled
with them or with their Children and Relations, whatever had befallen
them for it; so that they would have made the People, who, as
it was, were in the most terrible Distraction imaginable; I say,
they would have made them stark mad; whereas the Magistrates found it
proper on several Accounts to treat them with Lenity and Compassion,
and not with Violence and Terror, such as dragging the Sick out of
their Houses, or obliging them to remove themselves would have been.
This leads me again to mention the Time, when the Plague first began,
that is to say, when it became certain that it would spread over the
whole Town, when, as I have said, the better sort of People first took
the Alarm, and began to hurry themselves out of Town: It was true, as I
observed in its Place, that the Throng was so great, and the Coaches,
Horses, Waggons and Carts were so many, driving and dragging the People
away, that it look'd as if all the City was running away; and had any
Regulations been publish'd that had been terrifying at that time,
especially such as would pretend to dispose of the People, otherwise
than they would dispose of themselves, it would have put both the
City and Suburbs into the utmost Confusion.
But the Magistrates wisely caus'd the People to be en-courag'd, made
very good By-Laws for the regulating the Citizens, keeping good Order
in the Streets, and making every thing as eligible as possible to all
Sorts of People.
In the first Place, the Lord Mayor and the Sheriffs, the Court of
Aldermen, and a certain Number of the Common Council-Men, or their
Deputies, came to a Resolution and publish'd it, viz. "That they
would
not quit the City themselves, but that they would be always at hand for
the preserving good Order in every Place, and for the doing Justice on
all Occasions; as also for the
distributing the publick Charity to the Poor; and in a Word, for the
doing the Duty, and discharging the Trust repos'd in them by the
Citizens to the utmost of their Power."
In Pursuance of these Orders, the Lord Mayor, Sheriffs, &c.
held
Councils every Day more or less, for making such Dispositions as they
found needful for preserving the Civil Peace; and tho' they used
the People with all possible Gentleness and Clemency, yet all
manner of presumptuous Rogues, such as Thieves,
Housebreakers, Plunderers of the Dead, or of the Sick, were duly
punish'd, and several Declarations were continually publish'd by
the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen against such.
Also all Constables and Church-wardens were enjoin'd to stay in the
City upon severe Penalties, or to depute such able and sufficient
House-keepers, as the Deputy Aldermen, or Common Council-men of the
Precinct should approve, and for whom they should give Security;
and also Security in case of Mortality, that they would forthwith
constitute other Constables in their stead.
These things re-establish'd the Minds of the People very much,
especially in the first of their Fright, when they talk'd of making so
universal a Flight, that the City would have been in Danger of being
entirely deserted of its Inhabitants, except the Poor; and the Country
of being plunder'd and laid waste by the Multitude. Nor were the
Magistrates deficient in performing their Part as boldly as they
promised it; for my Lord Mayor and the Sheriffs were continually in the
Streets, and at places of the greatest Danger; and tho' they did not
care for having too great a Resort of People crouding about them, yet,
in
emergency Cases, they never denyed the People Access to them, and heard
with Patience all their Grievances and Complaints; my Lord Mayor
had a low Gallery built on purpose in his Hall, where he stood a little
remov'd from the Croud when any Complaint came to be heard, that he
might appear with as much Safety as possible.
Likewise the proper Officers, called my Lord Mayor's Officers,
constantly attended in their Turns, as they were in waiting; and if any
of them were sick or infected, as some of them were, others were
instantly employed to fill up and officiate in their Places, till it
was known whether the other should live or die.
In like manner the Sheriffs and Aldermen did in their several Stations
and Wards, where they were placed by Office; and the Sheriff's Officers
or Sergeants were appointed to receive Orders from the respective
Aldermen in their Turn; so that Justice was executed in all Cases
without Interruption. In the next Place, it was one of their particular
Cares, to see the Orders for the Freedom of the Markets observ'd; and
in this part either the Lord Mayor, or one or both of the Sheriffs,
were every Market-day on Horseback to see their Orders executed,
and to see that the Country People had all possible Encouragement
and Freedom in their coming to the Markets, and going back again; and
that no Nusances or frightful Objects should be seen in the Streets to
terrify them, or make them unwilling to come. Also the Bakers were
taken under particular Order, and the Master of the Bakers Company
was, with his Court of Assistance, directed to see the Order of my Lord
Mayor for their Regulation put in Execution, and the due Assize of
Bread, which was weekly appointed by my Lord Mayor, observ'd, and all
the Bakers
were oblig'd to keep their Ovens going constantly, on pain of losing
the Privileges of a Freeman of the City of London.
By this means, Bread was always to be had in Plenty, and as cheap as
usual, as I said above; and Provisions were never wanting in the
Markets, even to such a Degree, that I often wonder'd at it, and
reproach'd my self with being so timorous and cautious in stirring
abroad, when the Country People came freely and boldly to Market, as if
there had been no manner of Infection in the City, or Danger of
catching it.
It was indeed one admirable piece of Conduct in the said Magistrates,
that the Streets were kept constantly clear, and free from all manner
of frightful Objects, dead Bodies, or any such things as were indecent
or unpleasant, unless where any Body fell down suddenly or died in
the Streets, as I have said above, and these were
generally
covered with some Cloth or Blanket, or remov'd into the next
Church-yard, till Night: All the needful Works, that carried Terror
with them, that were both dismal and dangerous, were done in the Night;
if any diseas'd Bodies were remov'd, or dead Bodies buried, or infected
Cloths burnt, it was done in the Night; and all the Bodies, which were
thrown into the great Pits in the several Church-yards or burying
Grounds, as has been observ'd, were so remov'd in the Night; and every
thing was covered and closed before Day: So that in the Day-time
there was not the least Signal of the Calamity to be seen or heard of,
except what was to be observ'd from the Emptiness of the Streets, and
sometimes from the passionate Outcries and Lamentations of the
People, out at their Windows, and from the Numbers of Houses and Shops
shut up.
Nor was the Silence and Emptiness of the Streets so much in the City as
in the Out-parts, except just at one particular time, when, as I have
mention'd, the Plague came East, and spread over all the City; It was
indeed a merciful Disposition of God, that as the Plague began at one
End of the Town first, as has been observ'd at large, so it proceeded
progressively to other Parts, and did not come on this way or Eastward,
till it had spent its Fury in the West part of the Town; and so as it
came on one way, it abated another. For Example,
It began at St. Giles's and the Westminster End of the
Town,
and it was
in its Height in all that part by about the Middle of July, viz.
in St. Giles in the Fields, St. Andrew's Holborn,
St. Clement-Danes, St. Martin's in the Fields,
and in Westminster:
The latter End of July
it
decreased in those Parishes, and coming East, it encreased
prodigiously in Cripplegate, St. Sepulchers, St. Ja.
Clarkenwell, and
St. Brides, and Aldersgate; while it was in all these
Parishes, the
City and all the Parishes of the Southwark Side of the Water,
and all Stepney, White-Chapel, Aldgate, Wapping,
and Ratcliff, were very little
touch'd; so that People went about their Business unconcern'd, carryed
on their Trades, kept open their Shops, and conversed freely with one
another in all the City, the East and North-East Suburbs, and in
Southwark, almost as if the Plague had not been among us.
Even when the North and North-West Suburbs were fully infected, viz. Cripplegate,
Clarkenwell, Bishops-gate,
and Shoreditch, yet still
all the rest were tolerably well. For Example,
From 25th July to 1st August the Bill
stood thus of all Diseases;
St. Giles Cripplegate
|
------ |
------ |
554
|
St. Sepuchers
|
------ |
------ |
------ |
250
|
Clerkenwell
|
------ |
------ |
------ |
103
|
Bishopsgate
|
------ |
------ |
------ |
116
|
Shoreditch
|
------ |
------ |
------ |
110
|
Stepney Parish
|
------ |
------ |
------ |
127
|
Aldgate
|
------ |
------ |
------ |
92
|
White-Chappel |
|
------ |
------ |
104
|
All the 97 Parishes within
the Walls
|
---
|
228
|
All the parishes in Southwark
|
---
|
---
|
205
|
|
|
|
|
________
|
|
|
|
|
1889
|
So that in short there died more that Week in the two Parishes of Cripplegate,
and St. Sepulchers by 48 than all the
City, and all the
East Suburbs, and all the Southwark Parishes put together: This
caused
the Reputation of the City's Health to continue all over England, and
especially in the Counties and Markets adjacent, from whence our
Supply of Provisions chiefly came, even much longer than that Health
itself continued; for when the People came into the Streets from the
Country, by Shoreditch and Bishopsgate, or by Oldstreet
and Smithfield, they would see the out Streets empty, and the
Houses
and Shops shut, and the few People that were stirring there walk in the
Middle of the Streets; but when they came within the City, there things
looked better, and the Markets and Shops were open, and the People
walking about the Streets as usual, tho' not quite so many; and this
continued till the latter End of August, and the Beginning
of September.
But then the Case alter'd quite, the Distemper abated in the Weft and
North-Weft Parishes, and the Weight of the Infection lay on the City
and the Eastern Suburbs and the Southwark Side, and this in a
frightful
manner.
Then indeed the City began to look dismal, Shops to be shut, and the
Streets desolate; in the High-Street indeed Necessity made People
stir abroad on many Occasions ; and there would be in the middle
of the Day a pretty many People, but in the Mornings and Evenings
scarce any to be seen, even there, no not in Cornhill and Cheapside.
These Observations of mine were abundantly confirm'd by the Weekly
Bills of Mortality for those Weeks, an Abstract of which, as they
respect the Parishes which I have mention'd, and as they make the
Calculations I speak of very evident, take as follows.
The Weekly Bill, which makes out this Decrease of the Burials in the
West and North side of the City, stand thus.
From 12th of September to the 19th.
St. Gile's Cripplegate
|
------ |
------ |
456
|
St. Giles in the Fields
|
------ |
------ |
------ |
140
|
Clerkenwell
|
------ |
------ |
------ |
77
|
St. Sepuchers |
------ |
------ |
------ |
214
|
St. Leonard Shoreditch
|
------ |
------ |
------ |
183
|
Stepney Parish
|
------ |
------ |
------ |
716
|
Aldgate
|
------ |
------ |
------ |
623
|
White-Chappel |
|
------ |
------ |
532
|
All the 97 Parishes within
the Walls
|
---
|
1493
|
In the 8 parishes in Southwark
|
---
|
---
|
1636
|
|
|
|
|
________
|
|
|
|
|
6060
|
Here is a strange change of Things indeed, and a sad Change it was, and
had it held for two Months more than it did, very few People would have
been left alive: But then such, I say, was the merciful Disposition of
God, that when it was thus the West and North part which had been so
dreadfully visited at first, grew as you see, much better; and
as the
People disappear'd here, they began to look abroad again there; and the
next Week or two altered it still more, that is, more to the
Encouragement of the other Part of the Town. For Example:
From 19th of September to the 26th.
St. Gile's Cripplegate
|
------ |
------ |
277
|
St. Giles in the Fields
|
------ |
------ |
------ |
119
|
Clerkenwell
|
------ |
------ |
------ |
76
|
St. Sepuchers |
------ |
------ |
------ |
193
|
St. Leonard Shoreditch
|
------ |
------ |
------ |
146
|
Stepney Parish
|
------ |
------ |
------ |
616
|
Aldgate
|
------ |
------ |
------ |
496
|
White-Chappel |
|
------ |
------ |
346
|
All the 97 Parishes within
the Walls
|
---
|
1268
|
In the 8 parishes in Southwark
|
---
|
---
|
1390
|
|
|
|
|
________
|
|
|
|
|
4900
|
From 12th of September to the 3rd of October.
St. Giles Cripplegate
|
------ |
------ |
196
|
St. Giles in the Fields
|
------ |
------ |
------ |
95
|
Clerkenwell
|
------ |
------ |
------ |
48
|
St. Sepuchers |
------ |
------ |
------ |
137
|
St. Leonard Shoreditch
|
------ |
------ |
------ |
128
|
Stepney Parish
|
------ |
------ |
------ |
674
|
Aldgate
|
------ |
------ |
------ |
372
|
White-Chappel |
|
------ |
------ |
328
|
All the 97 Parishes within
the Walls
|
---
|
1149
|
In the 8 parishes in Southwark
|
---
|
---
|
1201
|
|
|
|
|
________
|
|
|
|
|
4328
|
And now the Misery of the City, and of the said East and South Parts
was complete indeed; for as you see the Weight of the Distemper lay
upon those Parts, that is to say, the City, the eight Parishes over the
River, with the Parishes of Aldgate, White-Chapel, and Stepney,
and
this was the Time that the Bills came up to such a monstrous Height, as
that I mention'd before; and that Eight or Nine, and, as I believe, Ten
or Twelve Thousand a Week died; for 'tis my settled Opinion, that they
never could come at any just Account of the Numbers, for the
Reasons which I have given already.
Nay one of the most eminent Physicians, who has since publish'd in
Latin an Account of those Times, and of his Observations, says, that in
one Week there died twelve Thousand People, and that particularly there
died four Thousand in one Night; tho' I do not remember that there
ever was any such particular Night, so remarkably fatal, as that such a
Number died in it: However all this confirms what I have said
above of the Uncertainty of the Bills of Mortality, &c.
of
which I shall say more hereafter.
And here let me take leave to enter again, tho' it may seem a
Repetition of Circumstances, into a Description of the miserable
Condition of the City it self, and of those Parts where I liv'd at this
particular Time: The City, and those other Parts, notwithstanding the
great Numbers of People that
were gone into the Country, was vastly full of People, and perhaps the
fuller, because People had for a long time a strong Belief, that the
Plague would not come into the City, nor into Southwark, no nor
into Wapping, or Ratcliff, at all; nay such was the
Assurance of the People
on that Head, that many remov'd from the Suburbs on the West and North
Sides, into those Eastern and South Sides as for Safety, and as I
verily believe, carry'd the Plague amongst them there, perhaps sooner
than they would otherwise have had it.
Here also I ought to leave a farther Remark for the use of Posterity,
concerning the Manner of Peoples infecting one another; namely,
that it was not the sick People only, from whom the Plague was
immediately receiv'd by others that were sound, but THE WELL. To
explain my self; by the sick People I mean those who were
known to be
sick, had taken their Beds, had been under Cure, or had Swellings and
Tumours upon them, and the like; these every Body could beware of, they
were either in their Beds, or in such Condition as cou'd not be
conceal'd.
By the Well, I mean such as had received the Contagion,
and had it
really upon them, and in their Blood, yet did not show the Consequences
of it in their Countenances, nay even were not sensible of it
themselves, as many were not for several Days: These breathed Death in
every Place, and upon every Body who came near them; nay their very
Cloaths retain'd the Infection, their Hands would infect the Things
they touch'd, especially if they were warm and sweaty, and they were
generally apt to sweat too.
Now it was impossible to know these People, nor did they sometimes, as
I have said, know themselves to be infected: These
were the People that so often dropt down and fainted in the Streets;
for oftentimes they would go about the Streets to the last, till on a
sudden they would sweat, grow faint, sit down at a Door and die: It is
true, finding themselves thus, they would struggle hard to get Home to
their own Doors, or at other Times would be just able to go in to their
Houses and die instantly; other Times they would go about till they had
the very Tokens come out upon them, and yet not know it, and would die
in an Hour or two after they came Home, but be well as long as they
were Abroad: These were the dangerous People, these were the People of
whom the well People ought to have been afraid; but then on the
other
Side it was impossible to know them.
And this is the Reason why it is impossible in a Visitation to
prevent the spreading of the Plague by the utmost human Vigilance,
(viz.) that it is impossible to know the infected People from
the
sound; or that the infected People should perfectly know themselves: I
knew a Man who conversed freely in London all the Season of
the
Plague in 1665, and kept about him an Antidote or Cordial, on
purpose to take when he thought himself in any Danger, and he had such
a Rule to know, or have Warning of the Danger by, as indeed I never met
with before or since, how far it may be depended on I know not: He had
a Wound in his Leg, and whenever he came among any People that were not
sound, and the Infection began to affect him, he said he could know it
by that Signal, (viz.) That his Wound in his Leg would smart,
and look
pale and white; so as soon as ever he felt it smart, it was time for
him to withdraw, or to take care of himself, taking his Drink, which he
always carried about him for that Purpose. Now it seems he found his
Wound would smart
many Times when he was in Company with such, who thought
themselves to be sound, and who appear'd so to one another; but he
would presently rise up, and say publickly, Friends, here is some
Body in the Room that has the Plague, and so would immediately break up
the Company. This was indeed a faithful Monitor to all People, that the
Plague is not to be avoided by those that converse promiscuously in a
Town infected, and People have it when they know it not, and that they
likewise give it to others when they know not that they have it
themselves; and in this Case, shutting up the WELL or removing the SICK
will not do it, unless they can go back and shut up all those that the
Sick had Convers'd with, even before they knew themselves to be sick,
and none knows how far to carry that back, or where to stop; for none
knows when, or where, or how they may have received the Infection, or
from whom.
This I take to be the Reason, which makes so many People talk of the
Air being corrupted and infected, and that they need not be cautious of
whom they converse with, for that the Contagion was in the Air. I have
seen them in strange Agitations and Surprises on this Account, I
have never come near any infected Body! says the disturbed Person,
I
have Convers'd with none, but sound healthy People, and yet I have
gotten the Distemper ! I am sure I am struck from Heaven, says
another, and he falls to the serious Part; again the first goes on
exclaiming, I have come near no Infection, or any infected Person,
I am sure it is in the Air; We draw in Death when we
breath, and
therefore 'tis the Hand of God, there is no withstanding it; and this
at
last made many People, being hardened to the Danger, grow less
concern'd at it, and less cautious towards the latter End of the Time,
and when it was
come to its height, than they were at first; then with a kind of a Turkish
Predestinarianism, they would say, if it pleas'd
God to strike
them, it was all one whether they went Abroad or staid at Home, they
cou'd not escape it, and therefore they went boldly about even into
infected Houses, and infected Company; visited sick People, and in
short, lay in the Beds with their Wives or Relations when they were
infected; and what was the Consequence? But the same that is the
Consequence in Turkey, and in those Countries where they
do those
Things; namely, that they were infected too, and died by Hundreds and
Thousands.
I would be far from lessening the Awe of the Judgments of God, and
the Reverence to his Providence, which ought always to be on our Minds
on such Occasions as these; doubtless the Visitation it self is a
Stroke from Heaven upon a City, or Country, or Nation where it falls; a
Messenger of his Vengeance, and a loud Call to that Nation, or Country,
or City, to Humiliation and Repentance, according to that of the
Prophet Jeremiah xviii. 7, 8. At what instant I shall speak
concerning
a Nation, and concerning a Kingdom to pluck up, and to pull down,
and destroy it: If that Nation against whom I have pronounced,
turn from their evil, I will repent of the evil that I thought to do
unto them. Now to prompt due Impressions of the Awe of God on the
Minds
of Men on such Occasions, and not to lessen them it is that I have
left those Minutes upon Record.
I say, therefore I reflect upon no Man for putting the Reason of those
Things upon the immediate Hand of God, and the Appointment and
Direction of his Providence; nay, on the contrary, there were many
wonderful Deliverances of Persons from Infection, and Deliverances
of
Persons when Infected, which intimate singular and remarkable
Providence, in the particular Instances to which they refer, and I
esteem my own Deliverance to be one next to miraculous, and do record
it with Thankfulness.
But when I am speaking of the Plague, as a Distemper arising from
natural Causes, we must consider it as it was really propagated by
natural Means, nor is it at all the less a Judgment for its being under
the Conduct of humane Causes and Effects; for as the divine Power has
form'd the whole Scheme of Nature, and maintains Nature in its
Course; so the same Power thinks fit to let his own Actings with Men,
whether of Mercy or Judgment, to go on in the ordinary Course of
natural Causes, and he is pleased to act by those natural Causes as the
ordinary Means; excepting and reserving to himself nevertheless a
Power to act in a supernatural Way when he sees Occasion: now, 'tis
evident, that in the Case of an Infection, there is no apparent
extraordinary Occasion for supernatural Operation, but the ordinary
Course of Things appears sufficiently arm'd, and made capable of all
the Effects thatHeavenusually directs by a Contagion. Among these
Causes and Effects this of the secret Conveyance of Infection
imperceptible, and unavoidable, is more than sufficient to execute the
Fierceness of divine Vengeance, without putting it upon Supernaturals
and Miracle.
The acute penetrating Nature of the Disease it self was such, and the
Infection was receiv'd so imperceptibly, that the most exact
Caution could not secure us while in the Place: But I must be allowed
to believe, and I have so many Examples fresh in my Memory, to convince
me of it, that I think none can resist their Evidence; I
say, I must be allowed to believe, that no one in this whole Nation
ever receiv'd the Sickness or Infection, but who receiv'd it in the
ordinary Way of Infection from some Body, or the Cloaths, or touch, or
stench of some Body that was infected before.
The Manner of its coming first to London, proves this also, (viz.)
by
Goods brought over from Holland, and brought thither from the Levant;
the first breaking of it out in a House in Long-Acre, where
those Goods
were carried, and first opened; its spreading from that House to other
Houses, by the visible unwary conversing with those who were sick, and
the infecting the Parish Officers who were employed about the Persons
dead, and the like; these are known Authorities for this great
Foundation Point, that it went on, and proceeded from Person to Person,
and from House to House, and no otherwise: In the first House that was
infected there died four Persons; a Neighbour hearing the Mistress
of the first House was sick, went to visit her, and went Home and gave
the Distemper to her Family, and died, and all her Houshold. A Minister
call'd to pray with the first sick Person in the second House, was said
to sicken immediately, and die with several more in his House:
Then the Physicians began to consider, for they did not at first dream
of a general Contagion. But the Physicians being sent to inspect the
Bodies, they assur'd the People that it was neither more or less than
the Plague with all its terrifying Particulars, and that it
threatned an universal Infection, so many People having already
convers'd with the Sick or Distemper'd, and having, as might be
suppos'd, received Infection from them, that it would be impossible to
put a stop to it.
Here the Opinion of the Physicians agreed with my Observation
afterwards, namely, that the Danger was spreading insensibly; for the
Sick cou'd infect none but those that came within reach of the sick
Person; but that one Man, who may have really receiv'd the Infection,
and knows it not, but goes Abroad, and about as a sound Person, may
give the Plague to a thousand People, and they to greater Numbers in
Proportion, and neither the Person giving the Infection, or the Persons
receiving it, know any thing of it, and perhaps not feel the Effects of
it for several Days after.
For Example, Many Persons in the Time of this
Visitation never
perceiv'd that they were infected, till they found to their unspeakable
Surprize, the Tokens come out upon them, after which they seldom liv'd
six Hours; for those Spots they call'd the Tokens were really gan-green
Spots, or mortified Flesh in small Knobs as broad as a little silver
Peny, and hard as a piece of Callous or Horn; so that when the Disease
was come up to that length, there was nothing could follow but certain
Death, and yet, as I said they knew nothing of their being
Infected, nor found themselves so much as out of Order, till those
mortal Marks were upon them: But every Body must allow, that they were
infected in a high Degree before, and must have been so some time; and
consequently their Breath, their Sweat, their very Cloaths were
contagious for many Days before.
This occasion'd a vast Variety of Cases, which Physicians would
have much more opportunity to remember than I; but some came within the
Compass of my Observation, or hearing, of which I shall name a few.
A certain Citizen who had liv'd safe, and untouch'd, till the Month of September,
when the Weight of the Distemper lay more in
the City than it had done before, was mighty
chearful, and something too bold, as I think it was, in his Talk of how
secure he was, how cautious he had been, and how he had never come near
any sick Body: Says another Citizen, a Neighbour of his to him, one
Day, Do not be too confident, Mr. —it is hard to say who
is sick and
who is well; for we see Men alive, and well to outward Appearance one
Hour, and dead the next. That is true, says the first Man, for he
was
not a Man presumptuously secure, but had escap'd a long while, and
Men, as I said above, especially in the City, began to be over-easie
upon that Score. That is true, says he, I do not think my
self secure,
but I hope I have not been in Company with any Person that there has
been any Danger in. No! Says his Neighbour, was not you at the
Bullhead Tavern in Grace-church Street with Mr. _______
the
Night before last: YES,
says the first, I was, but there was no Body there, that we had any
Reason to think dangerous: Upon which his Neighbour said no more,
being
unwilling to surprize him; but this made him more inquisitive, and as
his Neighbour appear'd backward, he was the more impatient, and in
a kind of Warmth, says he aloud, why he is not dead, is he!
upon which
his Neighbour still was silent, but cast up his Eyes, and said
something to himself; at which the first Citizen turned pale, and said
no more but this, then I am a dead Man too, and went Home
immediately, and sent for a neighbouring Apothecary to give him
something preventive, for he had not yet found himself ill ; but
the Apothecary opening his Breast, fetch'd a Sigh, and said no more,
but this, look up to God; and the Man died in a few Hours.
Now let any Man judge from a Case like this, if it is possible for the
Regulations of Magistrates, either by shutting up the Sick, or removing
them, to stop an Infection,
which spreads it self from Man to Man, even while they are perfectly
well, and insensible of its Approach, and may be so for many Days.
It may be proper to ask here, how long it may be supposed, Men
might have the Seeds of the Contagion in them, before it discover'd it
self in this fatal Manner; and how long they might go about seemingly
whole, and yet be contagious to all those that came near them? I
believe the most experienc'd Physicians cannot answer this Question
directly, any more than I can; and something an ordinary Observer may
take notice of, which may pass their Observation. The opinion of
Physicians Abroad seems to be, that it may lye Dormant in the Spirits,
or in the Blood Vessels, a very considerable Time; why else do they
exact a Quarentine of those who come into their Harbours, and Ports,
from suspected Places? Forty Days is, one would think, too long for
Nature to struggle with such an Enemy as this, and not conquer it, or
yield to it: But I could not think by my own Observation that they can
be infected so, as to be contagious to others, above fifteen or sixteen
Days at farthest; and on that score it was, that when a House was shut
up in the City, and any one had died of the Plague, but no Body
appear'd to be ill in the Family for sixteen or eighteen Days after,
they were not so strict, but that they would connive at their going
privately Abroad; nor would People be much afraid of them
afterward, but rather think they were fortified the better, having not
been vulnerable when the Enemy was in their own House; but we
sometimes found it had lyen much longer conceal'd.
Upon the foot of all these Observations, I must say, that tho'
Providence seem'd to direct my Conduct to be otherwise; yet it is my
Opinion, and I must leave it as a Prescription,
(viz.) that the best Physick against the Plague is to run
away from
it. I know People encourage themselves, by saying, God is able
to
keep us in the midst of Danger, and able to overtake us when we think
our selves out of Danger; and this kept Thousands in the Town, whose
Carcasses went into the great Pits by Cart Loads; and who, if they had
fled from the Danger, had, I believe, been safe from the Disaster; at
least 'tis probable they had been safe.
And were this very Fundamental only duly consi-der'd by the People, on
any future occasion of this, of the like Nature, I am persuaded it
would putthemuponquite different Measures for managing the People, from
those that they took in 1665, or than any that have been taken Abroad
that I have heard of; in a Word, they would consider of seperating
the People into smaller Bodies, and removing them in Time farther from
one another, and not let such a Contagion as this, which is indeed
chiefly dangerous, to collected Bodies of People, find a Million of
People in a Body together, as was very near the Case before, and would
certainly be the Case, if it should ever appear again.
The Plague like a great Fire, if a few Houses only are contiguous where
it happens, can only burn a few Houses; or if it begins in a single, or
as we call it a lone House, can only burn that lone House where it
begins : But if it begins in a close built Town, or City, and gets a
Head, there its Fury encreases, it rages over the whole Place, and
consumes all it can reach.
I could propose many Schemes, on the foot of which, the Government of
this City, if ever they should be under the Apprehensions of such
another Enemy, (God forbid they should) might ease themselves of the
greatest Part of the
dangerous People that belong to them; I mean such as the begging,
starving, labouring Poor, and among them chiefly those who in Case of a
Siege, are call'd the useless Mouths; who being then prudently, and to
their own Advantage dispos'd of, and the wealthy Inhabitants disposing
of themselves, and of their Servants, and Children, the City, and
its adjacent Parts would be so effectually evacuated, that there would
not be above a tenth Part of its People left together, for the
Disease to take hold upon: But suppose them to be a fifth Part,
and that two Hundred and fifty Thousand People were left, and if it did
seize upon them, they would by their living so much at large, be much
better prepar'd to defend themselves against the Infection, and be less
liable to the Effects of it, than if the same Number of People lived
close together in one smaller City, such as Dublin, or Amsterdam,
or
the like.
It is true, Hundreds, yea Thousands of Families fled away at this last
Plague, but then of them, many fled too late, and not only died in
their Flight, but carried the Distemperwith them into theCountrieswhere
they went, and infected those whom they went among for Safety; which
confounded the Thing, and made that be a Propagation of the
Distemper, which was the best means to prevent it; and this too is an
Evidence of it, and brings me back to what I only hinted at before, but
must speak more fully to here; namely, that Men went about
apparently well, many Days after they had the taint of the Disease
in their Vitals, and after their Spirits were so seiz'd, as that they
could never escape it; and that all the while they did so, they were
dangerous to others. I say, this proves, that so it
was; for such
People infected the very Towns they went thro', as well as the Families
they went among,
and it was by that means, that almost all the great Towns in England
had the Distemper among them, more or less; and always they would tell
you such a Londoner or such a Londoner brought it down.
It must not be omitted, that when I speak of those People who were
really thus dangerous, I suppose them to be utterly ignorant of their
own Condition; for if they really knew their Circumstances to be such
as indeed they were, they must have been a kind of willful
Murtherers,
if they would have gone Abroad among healthy People, and it would have
verified indeed the Suggestion which I mentioned above, and which
I thought seem'd untrue, (viz.) That the infected People
were utterly
careless as to giving the Infection to others, and rather forward
to do it than not; and I believe it was partly from this very Thing
that they raised that Suggestion, which I hope was not really true in
Fact.
I confess no particular Case is sufficient to prove a general, but I
cou'd name several People within the Knowledge of some of their
Neighbours and Families yet living, who shew'd the contrary to an
extream. One Man, a Master of a Family in my Neighbourhood, having
had the Distemper, he thought he had it given him by a poor Workman
whom he employ'd, and whom he went to his House to see, or went for
some Work that he wanted to have finished, and he had some
Apprehensions even while he was at the poor Workman's Door, but
did not discover it fully, but the next Day it discovered it self,
and he was taken very ill; upon which he immediately caused himself to
be carried into an out Building which he had in his Yard, and where
there was a Chamber over a Work-house, the Man being a Brazier; here he
lay, and here he died, and would be tended by none of his
Neighbours, but by a Nurse from Abroad, and would not suffer his Wife,
or Children, or Servants, to come up into the Room lest they
should be infected, but sent them his Blessing and Prayers for
them by the Nurse, who spoke it to them at a Distance, and all this for
fear of giving them the Distemper, and without which, he knew as they
were kept up, they could not have it.
And here I must observe also, that the Plague, as I suppose all
Distempers do, operated in a different Manner, on differing
Constitutions; some were immediately overwhelm'd with it, and it came
to violent Fevers, Vomitings, unsufferable Head-achs, Pains in the
Back, and so up to Ravings and Ragings with those Pains: Others with
Swellings and Tumours in the Neck or Groyn, or Arm-pits, which till
they could be broke, put them into insufferable Agonies and Torment;
while others, as I have observ'd, were silently infected, the Fever
preying upon their Spirits insensibly, and they seeing little of it,
till they fell into swooning, and faint-ings, and Death without pain.
I am not Physician enough to enter into the particular Reasons and
Manner of these differing Effects of one and the same Distemper, and of
its differing Operation in several Bodies: nor is it my Business here
to record the Observations, which I really made, because the Doctors
themselves, have done that part much more effectually than I can do,
and because my opinion may in some things differ from theirs: I am only
relating what I know, or have heard, or believe of the particular
Cases, and what fell within the Compass of my View, and the
different Nature of the Infection, as it appeared in the
particular
Cases which I have related; but this may be added too, that tho'
the former Sort of those Cases, namely those openly visited, were the
worst for themselves as to Pain, I mean those that had such Fevers,
Vomitings, Head-achs, Pains and Swellings, because they died in such a
dreadful Manner, yet the latter had the worst State of the Disease; for
in the former they frequently recover'd, especially if the
Swellings broke, but the latter was inevitable Death; no cure, no
help cou'd be possible, nothing could follow but Death; and it was
worse also to others, because as, above, it secretly, and unperceiv'd
by others, or by themselves, communicated Death to those they convers'd
with, the penetrating Poison insinuating it self into their Blood in a
Manner, which itis impossible to describe, or indeed conceive.
This infecting and being infected, without so much as its being known
to either Person, is evident from two Sorts of Cases, which frequently
happened at that Time; and there is hardly any Body living who was in London
during the Infection, but must have known several
of the Cases
of both Sorts.
1. Fathers and Mothers have gone about as if they had been well, and
have believ'd themselves to be so, till they have insensibly infected,
and been the Destruction of their whole Families: Which they would have
been far from doing, if they had the least Apprehensions of their being
unsound and dangerous themselves. A Family, whose Story I have heard,
was thus infected by the Father, and the Distemper began to appear
upon some of them, even before he found it upon himself; but
searching more narrowly, it appear'd he had been affected some
Time, and as soon as he found that his Family had been poison'd by
himself, he went distracted, and would have laid violent Hands upon
himself, but was kept from that by those who
look'd to him, and in a few Days died.
2. The other Particular is, that many People having been well to the
best of their own Judgment, or by the best Observation which they could
make of themselves for several Days, and only finding a Decay of
Appetite, or a light Sickness upon their Stomachs; nay, some whose
Appetite has been strong, and even craving, and only a light Pain in
their Heads, have sent for Physicians to know what ail'd them, and have
been found to their great Surprize, at the brink of Death, the Tokens
upon them, or the Plague grown up to an incurable Height.
It was very sad to reflect, how such a Person as this last
mentioned
above, had been a walking Destroyer, perhaps for a Week or
Fortnight
before that; how he had ruin'd those, that he would have hazarded his
Life to save, and had been breathing Death upon them, even perhaps in
his tender Kissing and Embracings of his own Children: Yet thus
certainly it was, and often has been, and I cou'd give many particular
Cases where it has been so: if then the Blow is thus insensibly
stricken; if the Arrow flies thus unseen, and cannot be discovered; to
what purpose are all the Schemes for shutting up or removing the sick
People? those Schemes cannot take place, but upon those that appear to
be sick, or to be infected; whereas there are among them, at the same
time, Thousands of People who seem to be well, but are all that while
carrying Death with them into all Companies which they come into.
This frequently puzzled our Physicians, and especially the
Apothecaries and Surgeons, who knew not how to discover the Sick from
the Sound; they all allow'd that it was really so, that many
People had
the Plague in their very Blood, and preying upon their Spirits,and were
in themselves
but walking putrified Carcasses, whose Breath was infectious, and their
Sweat Poison; and yet were as well to look on as other People, and even
knew it not themselves: I say, they all allowed that it was really true
in Fact, but they knew not how to propose a Discovery.
My Friend Doctor Heath was of Opinion, that it might be known
by the
smell of their Breath; and then, as he said, who durst Smell to that
Breath for his Information? Since to know it, he must draw the
Stench of the Plague up into his own Brain, in order to distinguish the
Smell! I have heard, it was the opinion of others, that it might be
distinguish'd by the Party's breathing upon a piece of Glass, where the
Breath condensing, there might living Creatures be seen by a Microscope
of strange monstrous and frightful Shapes, such as Dragons, Snakes,
Serpents, and Devils, horrible to behold: But this I very much question
the Truth of, and we had no Microscopes at that Time, as I remember, to
make the Experiment with.
It was the Opinion also of another learned Man, that the Breath of such
a Person would poison, and instantly kill a Bird; not only a small
Bird, but even a Cock or Hen, and that if it did not immediately kill
the latter, it would cause them to be roupy as they call it;
particularly that if they had laid any Eggs at that Time, they would be
all rotten: But those are Opinions which I never found supported
by any Experiments, or heard of others that had seen it; so I leave
them as I find them, only with this Remark; namely, that I think
the Probabilities are very Strong for them.
Some have proposed that such Persons should breath hard upon warm
Water, and that they would leave an unusual Scum upon
it, or upon several other things, especially such as are of a glutinous
Substance and are apt to receive a Scum and support it.
But from the whole I found, that the Nature of this Contagion was such,
that it was impossible to discover it at all, or to prevent its
spreading from one to another by any human Skill.
Here was indeed one Difficulty, which I could never throughly get over
to this time, and which there is but one way of answering that I know
of, and it is this, viz. The first Person that died of the
Plague was
in Decemb. 20th, or thereabouts 1664, and in, or about Long-acre,
whence the first Person had the Infection, was generally said to be,
from a Parcel of Silks imported from Holland, and first opened
in that
House.
But after this we heard no more of any Person dying of the Plague, or
of the Distemper being in that Place, till the 9th of February; which
was about 7 Weeks after, and then one more was buried out of the same
House: Then it was hush'd, and we were perfectly easy as to the
publick, for
a great while; for there were no more entred in the Weekly Bill to be
dead of the Plague, till the 22d of April, when there was 2
more buried
not out of the same House, but out of the same Street; and as near as I
can remember, it was out of the next House to the first: this was nine
Weeks asunder, and after this we had No more till a Fortnight, and then
it broke out in several Streets and spread every Way. Now the Question
seems to lye thus, where lay the Seeds of the Infection all this
while?
How came it to ftop so long, and not slop any longer? Either the
Distemper did not come immediately by Contagion from Body to Body, or
if it did, then a Body may be capable to continue infected, without the
Disease discovering
itself, many Days, nay Weeks together, even not a Quarantine of Days
only, but Soixantine, not only 40 Days but 60 Days or longer.
It's true, there was, as I observed at first, and is well known to many
yet living, a very cold Winter, and a long Frost, which continued
three Months, and this, the Doctors say, might check the
Infection; but then the learned must allow me to say, that if according
to their Notion, the Disease was, as I may say, only frozen up, it
would like a frozen River, have returned to its usual Force and Current
when it thaw'd, whereas the principal Recess of this Infection, which
was from February to April, was after the Frost was
broken, and
the
Weather mild and warm.
But there is another way of solving all this Difficulty, which I think
my own Remembrance of the thing will supply; and that is, the Fact is
not granted, namely, that there died none in those long Intervals, viz.
from the 20th of December to the 9th of February, and
from
thence to
the 22d of April. The Weekly Bills are the only Evidence on the
other
side, and those Bills were not of Credit enough, at least with me, to
support an Hypothesis, or determine a Question of such
Importance as
this: For it was our receiv'd Opinion at that time, and I believe upon
very good Grounds, that the Fraud lay in the Parish Officers,
Searchers, and Persons appointed to give Account of the Dead, and
what Diseases they died of: And as People were very loth at first to
have the Neighbours believe their Houses were infected, so they gave
Money to procure, or otherwise procur'd the dead Persons to be return'd
as dying of other Distempers; and this I know practis'd afterwards in
many Places, I believe I might say in all Places, where the Distemper
came, as will be seen by
the vast Encrease of the Numbers plac'd in the Weekly Bills under other
Articles of Diseases, during the time of the Infection: For Example,
in
the Month of July and August, when the Plague was
coming on to its
highest Pitch; it was very ordinary to have from a thousand to
twelve hundred, nay to almost fifteen Hundred a Week of other
Distempers; not that the Numbers of those Distempers were really
encreased to such a Degree : But the great Number of Families and
Houses where really the Infection was, obtain'd the Favour to have
their Dead be return'd of other Distempers to prevent the shutting
up their Houses. For Example,
Dead of other Diseases beside
the Plague.
|
From the 18th to
the 25th July
|
---- |
---- |
942 |
|
to the 1st August
|
---- |
---- |
1004
|
|
to the 8th |
---- |
---- |
---- |
1213
|
|
to the 15th |
---- |
---- |
---- |
1439
|
|
to the 22nd |
---- |
---- |
---- |
1331
|
|
to the 29th |
---- |
---- |
---- |
1394
|
|
to the 5th September
|
---- |
1264
|
|
to the 12th |
---- |
---- |
---- |
1056
|
|
to the 19th |
---- |
---- |
---- |
1132
|
|
to the 26th
|
---- |
---- |
---- |
927
|
Now it was not doubted, but the greatest part of these, or a great part
of them, were dead of the Plague, but the Officers were prevail'd with
to return them as above, and the Numbers of some particular Articles of
Distempers discover'd is, as follows;
From the 1st to
the 8th of Aug.
|
to the 15th.
|
to the 22.
|
to the 29.
|
|
Fever
|
314
|
353
|
348
|
383
|
Spotted
|
Fever
|
174
|
190
|
166
|
165
|
|
Surfeit
|
85
|
87
|
74
|
99
|
|
Teeth
|
90
|
113
|
111
|
133
|
|
|
_____ |
_____ |
_____ |
_____ |
|
|
663
|
743
|
699
|
780
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
From August
20th to the 5th Sept.
|
to the 12.
|
to the 19. |
to the 26. |
|
Fever |
364
|
332
|
309
|
268
|
Spotted |
Fever |
157
|
97
|
101
|
65
|
|
Surfeit |
68
|
45
|
49
|
36
|
|
Teeth |
138
|
128
|
121
|
112
|
|
|
_____ |
_____ |
_____ |
_____ |
|
|
727
|
602
|
580
|
481
|
There were several other Articles which bare a Proportion to
these, and which it is easy to perceive, were increased on the same
Account, as Aged, Consumptions, Vomitings, Impotthumes, Gripes,
and the
like, many of which were not doubted to be infected People; but as it
was of the utmost Consequence to Families not to be known to be
infected, if it was possible to avoid it, so they took all the measures
they could to have it not believ'd; and if any died in their Houses to
get them return'd to the Examiners, and by the Searchers, as having
died of other Distempers.
This, I say, will account for the long Interval, which, as I have
said,
was between the dying of the first Persons that were returned in the
Bill to be dead of the Plague, and the time when the Distemper spread
openly, and could not be conceal'd.
Besides, the Weekly Bills themselves at that time evidently discover
this Truth; for while there was no Mention of the
Plague, and no Increase, after it had been mentioned, yet it was
apparent, that there was an En-crease of those Distempers which
bordered nearest upon it, for Example there were Eight, Twelve,
Seventeen of the Spotted Fever in a Week, when there were none, or but
very few of the Plague; whereas before, One, Three or Four,
were the
ordinary Weekly Numbers of that Distemper: likewise, as I observed
before, the Burials increased Weekly in that particular Parish,
and the Parishes adjacent, more than in any other Parish, altho'
there were none set down of the Plague; all which tell us, that the
Infection was handed on, and the Succession of the Distemper really
preserv'd, tho' it seem'd to us at that Time to be ceased, and to come
again in a manner surprizing.
It might be also, that the Infection might remain in other parts of the
same Parcel of Goods which at first it came in, and which might not be
perhaps opened, or at least not fully, or in the Cloths of the first
infected Person ; for I cannot think, that any Body could be
seiz'd with the Contagion in a fatal and mortal Degree for nine Weeks
together, and support his State of Health so well, as even not to
discover it to themselves; yet if it were so, the Argument is the
stronger in Favour of what I am saying; namely, that the Infection is
retain'd in Bodies apparently well, and convey'd from them to those
they converse with, while it is known to neither the one nor the other.
Great were the Confusions at that time upon this very Account; and when
People began to be convinc'd that the Infection was receiv'd in this
surprising manner from Persons apparently well, they began to be
exceeding shie and jealous of every one that came near them. Once in a
publick Day, whether a Sabbath Day or not I do not remember, in Aldgate
Church in a Pew full of People, on a sudden, one fancy'd she smelt
an ill Smell, immediately she fancies the Plague was in the Pew,
whispers her Notion or Suspicion to the next, then rises and goes
out of the Pew, it immediately took with the next, and so to them all;
and every one of them, and of the two or three adjoining Pews, got up
and went out of the Church, no Body knowing what it was offended them
or from whom.
This immediately filled every Bodies Mouths with one Preparation or
other, such as the old Women directed, and some perhaps as
Physicians directed, in order to prevent Infection by the Breath of
others; insomuch that if we came to go into a Church, when it was any
thing full of People, there would be such a Mixture of Smells at the
Entrance, that it was much more strong, tho' perhaps not so
wholesome, than if you were going into an Apothecary's or Druggist's
Shop; in a Word, the whole Church was like a smelling Bottle, in one
Corner it was all Perfumes, in another Aromaticks, Balsamicks, and
Variety of Drugs, and Herbs; in another Salts and Spirits, as every one
was furnish'd for their own Preservation ; yet I observ'd, that
after People were possess'd, as I have said, with the Belief or
rather
Assurance, of the Infection being thus carryed on by Persons apparently
in Health, the Churches and Meeting-Houses were much thinner of People
than at other times before that they us'd to be; for this is to be said
of the People of London, that during the whole time of the
Pestilence,
the Churches or Meetings were never wholly shut up, nor did the People
decline coming out to the public Worship of God, except only in some
Parishes when the Violence of the Distemper
was more particularly in that Parish at that time; and even then no
longer, than it continued to be so.
Indeed nothing was more strange, than to see with what Courage the
People went to the public Service of God, even at that time when they
were afraid to stir out of their own Houses upon any other Occasion;
this I mean before the time of Desperation, which I have men-tion'd
already; this was a Proof of the exceeding Populousness of the City at
the time of the Infection, notwithstanding the great Numbers that
were gone into the Country at the first Alarm, and that fled out into
the Forests and Woods when they were farther terrifyed with the
extraordinary Increase of it. For when we came to see the Crouds and
Throngs of People, which appear'd on the Sabbath Days at the
Churches, and especially in those parts of the Town where the
Plague was abated, or where it was not yet come to its Height, it was
amazing. But of this I shall speak again presently; I return in
the mean time to the Article of infecting one another at first; before
People came to right Notions of the Infection, and of infecting one
another, People were only shye of those that were really sick, a Man
with a Cap upon his Head, or with Cloths round his Neck, which was
the
Case of those that had Swellings there; such was indeed frightful:
But
when we saw a Gentleman dress'd, with his Band on and his Gloves in his
Hand, his Hat upon his Head, and his Hair comb'd, of such we had not
the least Apprehensions; and People converse a great while freely, especially
with Neighbours and such as they knew. But when
the
Physicians assured us, that the Danger was as well from the Sound, that
is the seemingly sound, as the Sick; and that those People, who
thought themselves
entirely free, were oftentimes the most fatal; and that it came to be
generally understood, that People were sensible of it, and of the
reason of it: Then I say, they began to be jealous of every Body, and a
vast Number of People lock'd themselves up, so as not to come abroad
into any Company at all, nor suffer any, that had been abroad in
promiscuous Company, to come into their Houses, or near them; at least
not so near them as to be within the Reach of their Breath, or of any
Smell from them; and when they were oblig'd to converse at a Distance
with Strangers, they would always have Preservatives in their
Mouths, and about their Cloths to re-pell and keep off the Infection.
It must be acknowledg'd, that when People began to use these Cautions,
they were less exposed to Danger, and the Infection did not break into
such Houses so furiously as it did into others before, and thousands of
Families were preserved, speaking with due Reserve to the Direction
of
Divine Providence, by that Means.
But it was impossible to beat any thing into the Heads of the Poor,
they went on with the usual Impetuosity of their Tempers full of
Outcries and Lamentations when taken, but madly careless of themselves,
Fool-hardy and obstinate, while they were well: Where they could get
Employment they push'd into any kind of Business, the most dangerous
and the most liable to Infection; and if they were spoken to, their
Answer would be, I must trust to God for that; if I am taken, then
I am
provided for, and there is an End of me, and the like: or, thus, Why,
What must, I do? I cant Starve, I had as good have the Plague as perish
for want. I have no Work, what could I do? I must do this or beg:
Suppose it was burying the dead, or attending the Sick, or watching
infected Houses, which were all terrible
Hazards, but their Tale was generally the same. It is true, Necessity
was a very justifiable warrantable Plea, and nothing could be better;
but their Way of Talk was much the same, where the Necessities were not
the same: This adventurous Conduct of the Poor was that which brought
the Plague among them in a most furious manner, and this join'd to the
Distress of their Circumstances, when taken, was the reason why they
died so by Heaps; for I cannot say, I could observe one jot of better
Husbandry among them, I mean the labouring Poor, while they were well
and getting Money, than there was before, but as lavish, as
extravagant, and as thoughtless for to Morrow as ever; so that when
they came to be taken sick, they were immediately in the utmost
Distress as well for want, as for Sickness, as well for lack of Food,
as lack of Health.
This Misery of the Poor I had many Occasions to be an Eye-witness of,
and sometimes also of the charitable Assistance that some pious People
daily gave to such, sending them Relief and Supplies both of Food,
Physick and other Help, as they found they wanted; and indeed it is a
Debt of Justice due to the Temper of the People of that Day to take
Notice here, that not only great Sums, very great Sums of Money
were
charitably sent to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen for the Assistance and
Support of the poor distemper'd People; but abundance of private
People daily distributed large Sums of Money for their Relief, and sent
People about to enquire into the Condition of particular distressed and
visited Families, and relieved them; nay some pious Ladies were so
transported with Zeal in so good a Work, and so confident in the
Protection of Providence in Discharge of the great Duty of Charity,
that they went about in person distributing
Alms to the Poor, and even visiting poor Families, tho' sick and
infected in their very Houses, appointing Nurses to attend those
that wanted attending, and ordering Apothecaries and Surgeons, the
first to supply them with Drugs or Plaisters, and such things as they
wanted; and the last to lance and dress the Swellings and Tumours,
where such were wanting; giving their Blessing to the Poor in
substantial Relief to them, as well as hearty Prayers for them.
I will not undertake to say, as some do, that none of these charitable
People were suffered to fall under the Calamity itself; but this
I
may say, that I never knew any one of them that miscarried, which I
mention for the Encouragement of others in case of the like Distress;
and doubtless, if they that give to the Poor, lend to the Lord,
and he
will repay them; those that hazard their Lives to give to the Poor; and
to comfort and assist the Poor in such a Misery as this, may hope to be
protected in the Work.
Nor was this Charity so extraordinary eminent only in a few; but, (for
I cannot lightly quit this Point) the Charity of the rich as
well
in the City and Suburbs as from the Country, was so great, that in a
Word, a prodigious Number of People, who must otherwise inevitably have
perished for want as well as Sickness, were supported and subsisted by
it; and tho' I could never, nor I believe any one else come to a full
Knowledge of what was so contributed, yet I do believe, that as I heard
one say, that was a critical Observer of that Part, there was not only
many Thousand Pounds contributed, but many hundred thousand Pounds, to
the Relief of the Poor of this distressed afflicted City; nay one Man
affirm'd to me, that he could reckon up about one hundred thousand
Pounds a-Week, which
was distributed by the Church Wardens at the several Parish Vestries,
by the Lord Mayor and the Aldermen in the several Wards and
Precincts, and by the particular Direction of the Court and of the
Justices respectively in the parts where they resided ; over and
above the private Charity distributed by pious Hands in the manner I
speak of, and this continued for many Weeks together.
I confess this is a very great Sum; but if it be true, that there was
distributed in the Parish of Cripplegate only, 17800 Pounds in
one Week
to the Relief of the Poor, as I heard reported, and which I really
believe was true, the other may not be improbable.
It was doubtless to be reckon'd among the many signal good Providences
which attended this great City, and of which there were many other
worth recording; I say, this was a very remarkable one, that it
pleased
God thus to move the Hearts of the People in all parts of the
Kingdom, so chearfully to contribute to the Relief and
Support of the poor at London; the good Consequences of
which were
felt many ways, and particularly in preserving the Lives and
recovering the Health of so many thousands, and keeping so many
Thousands of Families from perishing and starving.
And now I am talking of the merciful Disposition of Providence in this
time of Calamity, I cannot but mention again, tho' I have spoken
several times of it already on other Account, I mean that of the
Progression of the Distemper; how it began at one end of the Town, and
proceeded gradually and slowly from one Part to another, and like
a dark Cloud that passes over our Heads, which as it thickens and
overcasts the Air at one End, clears up at the other end: So while the
Plague went on raging from West to East, as it went forwards East, it
abated in the
West, by which means those parts of the Town, which were not seiz'd, or
who were left, and where it had spent its Fury, were (as it were)
spar'd to help and assist the other; whereas had the Distemper spread
it self over the whole City and Suburbs at once, raging in all Places
alike, as it has done since in some Places abroad, the whole Body of
the People must have been overwhelmed, and there would have died twenty
thousand a Day, as they say there did at Naples, nor would the
People
have been able to have help'd or assisted one another.
For it must be observ'd that where the Plague was in its full Force,
there indeed the People were very miserable, and the Consternation
was inexpressible. But a little before it reach'd even to that place,
or presently after it was gone, they were quite another Sort of People,
and I cannot but acknowledge, that there was too much of that common
Temper of Mankind to be found among us all at that time; namely to
forget the Deliverance, when the Danger is past: But I shall come to
speak of that part again.
It must not be forgot here to take some Notice of the State of Trade,
during the time of this common Calamity, and this with respect to
Foreign Trade, as also to our Home-trade.
As to Foreign Trade, there needs little to be said; the trading Nations
of Europe were all afraid of us, no Port of France, or Holland,
or Spain, or Italy would admit our Ships or
correspond with us; indeed we
stood on ill Terms with the Dutch, and were in a furious War
with them,
but tho' in a bad Condition to fight abroad, who had such dreadful
Enemies to struggle with at Home.
Our Merchants accordingly were at a full Stop, their Ships could go no
where, that is to say to no place abroad their
Manufactures and Merchandise, that is to say, of our Growth, would not
be touch'd abroad; they were as much afraid of our Goods, as they were
of our People; and indeed they had reason, for our woolen
Manufactures are as retentive of Infection as human Bodies, and if
pack'd up by Persons infected would receive the Infection, and be
as dangerous to touch, as a Man would be that was infected; and
therefore when any English Vessel arriv'd in Foreign Countries,
if they
did take the Goods on Shore, they always caused the Bales to be opened
and air'd in Places appointed for that Purpose: But from London
they
would not suffer them to come into Port, much less to unlade their
Goods upon any Terms whatever; and this Strictness was especially us'd
with them in Spain and Italy; in Turkey, and
the Islands of the Arches
indeed as they are call'd, as well those belonging to the Turks
as
to the Venetians, they were not so very rigid; in the first
there was
no Obstruction at all; and four Ships, which were then in the River
loading for Italy, that is for Leghorn and Naples,
being denyed
Product, as they call it, went on to Turkey, and
were freely
admitted to unlade their Cargo without any Difficulty, only that when
they arriv'd there, some of their Cargo was not fit for Sale in that
Country, and other Parts of it being consign'd to Merchants at Leghorn,
the Captains of the Ships had no Right nor any Orders to dispose
of the Goods; so that great Inconveniences followed to the Merchants.
But this was nothing but what the Necessity of Affairs requir'd,
and the Merchants at Leghorn and Naples having Notice
given them, sent
again from thence to take Care of the Effects, which were
particularly consign'd to those Ports, and to bring back in other
Ships such as were improper for the Markets at Smyrna and Scanderoon.
The Inconveniences in Spain and Portugal were still
greater; for they
would, by no means, suffer our Ships, especially those from London,
to
come into any of their Ports, much less to unlade; there was a Report,
that one of our Ships having by Stealth delivered her Cargo, among
which was some Bales of English Cloth, Cotton, Kersyes, and
such like
Goods, the Spaniards caused all the Goods to be burnt, and
punished the
Men with Death who were concern'd in carrying them on Shore. This I
believe was in Part true, tho' I do not affirm it: But it is not at all
unlikely, seeing the Danger was really very great, the Infection being
so violent in London.
I heard likewise that the Plague was carryed into those Countries by
some of our Ships, and particularly to the Port of Faro in the
Kingdom
of Algarve, belonging to the King of Portugal; and that
several Persons
died of it there, but it was not confirm'd.
On the other Hand, tho' the Spaniards and Portuguese
were so shie
of us, it is most certain, that the Plague, as has been said, keeping
at first much at that end of the Town next Westminster, the
merchandizing part of the Town, such as the City and the Water-side,
was perfectly sound, till at least the Beginning of July;
and the
Ships in the River till the Beginning of August; for, to the
i1st of July, there had died but seven within the whole City,
and
but 60 within
the Liberties; but one in all the Parishes of Stepney, Aldgate,
and White-Chappel; and but two in all the eight Parishes of Southwark.
But
it was the same thing abroad, for the bad News was gone over the whole
World, that the City of London was infected with the Plague;
and
there
was no inquiring there, how the Infection proceeded, or at which part
of the Town it was begun, or
was reach'd to.
Besides, after it began to spread, it increased so fast, and the Bills
grew so high, all on a sudden, that it was to no purpose to lessen the
Report of it, or endeavour to make the People abroad think it better
than it was, the Account which the Weekly Bills gave in was sufficient;
and that there died two thousand to three or four thousand a Week,
was sufficient to alarm the whole trading part of the World, and the
following time being so dreadful also in the very City itself, put the
whole World, I say, upon their Guard against it.
You may be sure also, that the Report of these things lost nothing in
the Carriage, the Plague was it self very terrible, and the Distress of
the People very great, as you may observe of what I have said: But the
Rumor was infinitely greater, and it must not be wonder'd, that our
Friends abroad, as my Brother's Correspondents in particular were told
there, namely in Portugal and Italy where he chiefly
traded, that in London there died twenty thousand in a Week;
that the dead
Bodies lay
unburied by Heaps; that the living were not sufficient to bury the
dead, or the Sound to look after the Sick; that all the Kingdom was
infected likewise, so that it was an universal Malady, such as was
never heard of in those parts of the World; and they could hardly
believe us, when we gave them an Account how things really were, and
how there was not above one Tenth part of the People dead; that there
was 500,000 left that lived all the time in the Town; that now the
People began to walk the Streets again, and those, who were fled, to
return, there was no Miss of the usual Throng of people in the Streets,
except as every Family might miss their Relations and Neighbours,
and the like; I say they could not believe these things;
and if Enquiry were now to be made in Naples, or in other
Cities on the
Coast of Italy, they would tell you that there was a dreadful
Infection
in London so many Years ago; in which, as above, there
died Twenty
Thousand in a Week, &c. Just as we have had it
reported in London, that there was a Plague in the City of
Naples,
in the Year
1656, in which there died 20000 People in a Day, of which I have had
very good Satisfaction, that it was utterly false.
But these extravagant Reports were very prejudical to our Trade as well
as unjust and injurious in themselves; for it was a long Time
after the Plague was quite over, before our Trade could recover it self
in those parts of the World; and the Flemings and Dutch,
but especially
the last, made very great Advantages of it, having all the Market to
themselves, and even buying our Manufactures in the several Parts
of England where the Plague was not, and carrying them to Holland,
and Flanders, and from thence transporting them to Spain,
and to Italy, as
if they had been of their own making.
But they were detected sometimes and punish'd, that is to say, their
Goods confiscated, and Ships also; for if it was true, that our
Manufacturer, as well as our People, were infected, and that it was
dangerous to touch or to open, and receive the Smell of them; then
those People ran the hazard by that clandestine Trade, not only of
carrying the Contagion into their own Country, but also of infecting
the Nations to whom they traded with those Goods; which, considering
how many Lives might be lost in Consequence of such an Action, must be
a Trade that no Men of Conscience could suffer themselves to be
concern'd in.
I do not take upon me to say, that any harm was done I mean of that
Kind, by those People: But I doubt I need not make any such Proviso in
the Case of our own Country; for either by our People of London,
or by
the Commerce, which made their conversing with all Sorts of People in
every County, and of every considerable Town, necessary, I say, by this
means the Plague was first or last spread all over the Kingdom, as well
in London as in all the Cities and great Towns, especially in
the
trading Manufacturing Towns, and Sea-Ports-so that first or last, all
the considerable Places in England were visited more or less,
and the
Kingdom of Ireland in some Places, but not so universally; how
it far'd
with the People in Scotland, I had no opportunity to enquire.
It is to be observed, that while the Plague continued so violent in London,
the out Ports, as they are call'd, enjoy'd
a very great Trade,
especially to the adjacent Countries, and to our own Plantations; for
Example, the Towns of Colchester, Yarmouth, and Hull,
on that side of England, exported to Holland and Hamburgh,
the Manufactures of the
adjacent Counties for several Months after the Trade with London was
as
it were entirely shut up; likewise the Cities of Bristol
and Exeter with the Port of Plymouth, had the like
Advantage to Spain, to
the Canaries, to Guinea, and to the West Indies;
and particularly
to Ireland; but as the Plague spread itself every way after it
had been
in London, to such a Degree as it was in August and September;
so all,
or most of those Cities and Towns were infected first or last, and then
Trade was as it were under a general Embargo, or at a full stop, as I
shall observe farther, when I speak of our home Trade.
One thing however must be observed, that as to Ships coming in from
Abroad, as many you may be sure did, some who were
out in all Parts of the World a considerable while before, and some who
when they went out knew nothing of an Infection, or at least of one so
terrible; these came up the River boldly, and delivered their Cargoes
as they were oblig'd to do, except just in the two Months of August
and September, when the Weight of the Infection lying, as I
may say, all
below Bridge, no Body durst appear in Business for a while: But as this
continued but for a few Weeks, the Homeward bound Ships,
especially such whose Cargoes were not liable to spoil, came to an
Anchor for a Time, short of THE POOL, or fresh Water
part of the
River, even as low as the River Medway, where several of them
ran in,
and others lay at the Nore, and in the Hope below
Gravesend: So that by
the latter End of October, there was a very great Fleet of
Homeward
bound Ships to come up, such as the like had not been known for many
Years.
Two particular Trades were carried on by Water Carriage all the while
of the Infection, and that with little or no Interruption, very much to
the Advantage and Comfort of the poor distressed People of the City,
and those were the coasting Trade for Corn, and the Newcastle
Trade for
Coals.
The first of these was particularly carried on by small Vessels, from
the Port of Hull, and other Places in the Humber, by
which great
Quantities of Corn were brought in from Yorkshire and Lincolnshire:
The
other Part of this Corn-Trade was from Lynn in Norfolk,
from Wells, and Burnham, and from Yarmouth, all
in the same County; and the
third Branch was from the River Medway, and from Milton,
Feversham,
Margate, and Sandwich, and all the other little Places
and Ports
round the Coast of Kent and Essex.
There was also a very good Trade from the Coast of Suffolk with
Corn,
Butter and Cheese; these Vessels kept a constant Course of Trade, and
without Interruption came up to that Market known still by the Name of Bear-Key,
where they supply'd the City plentifully with
Corn, when Land
Carriage began to fail, and when the People began to be sick of coming
from many Places in the Country.
This also was much of it owing to the Prudence and Conduct of the Lord
Mayor, who took such care to keep the Masters and Seamen from Danger,
when they came up, causing their Corn to be bought off at any time they
wanted a Market, (which however was very seldom) and causing the
Corn-Factors immediately to unlade and deliver the Vessels leaden
with Corn, that they had very little occasion to come out of their
Ships or Vessels, the Money being always carried on Board to them,
and put into a Pail of Vinegar before it was carried.
The second Trade was, that of Coals from Newcastle upon Tyne;
without
which the City would have been greatly distressed; for not in the
Streets only, but in private Houses and Families, great Quantities
of Coals were then burnt, even all the Summer long, and when the
Weather was hottest, which was done by the Advice of the Physicians;
some indeed oppos'd it, and insisted that to keep the Houses and Rooms
hot, was a means to propagate the Distemper, which was a Fermentation
and Heat already in the Blood, that it was known to spread, and
increase in hot Weather, and abate in cold, and therefore they
alledg'd that all contagious Distempers are the worse for Heat, because
the Contagion was nourished, and gain'd Strength in hot Weather, and
was as it were propagated in Heat.
Others said, they granted, that Heat in the Climate might propagate
Infection, as sultry hot Weather fills the Air with Vermine, and
nourishes innumerable Numbers, and Kinds of venomous Creatures,
which breed in our Food, in the Plants, and even in our Bodies, by the
very stench of which, Infection may be propagated; also, that heat in
the Air, or heat of Weather, as we ordinarily call it, makes
Bodies
relax and faint, exhausts the Spirits, opens the Pores, and makes us
more apt to receive Infection, or any evil Influence, be it from
noxious pestilential Vapours, or any other Thing in the Air: But that
the heat of Fire, and especially of Coal Fires kept in our Houses, or
near us, had a quite different Operation, the Heat being not of the
same Kind, but quick and fierce, tending not to nourish but to consume,
and dissipate all those noxious Fumes, which the other kind of Heat
rather exhaled, and stagnated, than separated, and burnt up;
besides it was alledg'd that the sulphurous and nitrous Particles,
that are often found to be in the Coal, with that bituminous Substance
which burns, are all assisting to clear and purge the Air, and render
it wholsom and safe to breath in, after the noctious Particles as
above are dispers'd and burnt up.
The latter Opinion prevail'd at that Time, and as I must confess I
think with good Reason, and the Experience of the Citizens
confirm'd it, many Houses which had constant Fires kept in the Rooms,
having never been infected at all; and I must join my Experience to it,
for I found the keeping good Fires kept ou Rooms sweet and
wholsom, and I do verily believe made our whole Family so, more than
would otherwise have been.
But I return to the Coals as a Trade, it was with no little difficulty
that this Trade was kept open, and particularly because as we were
in an open War with the Dutch, at that Time, the Dutch Capers
at first
took a great many of our Collier Ships, which made the rest cautious,
and made them to stay to come in Fleets together: But after some
time, the Capers were either afraid to take them, or their Masters, the
States, were afraid they should, and forbad them, lest the Plague
should be among them, which made them fare the better.
For the Security of those Northern Traders, the Coal Ships were order'd
by my Lord Mayor, not to come up into the Pool above a certain
Number
at a Time, and order'd Lighters, and other Vessels, such as the
Wood-mongers, that is the Wharf Keepers, or Coal-Sellers furnished, to
go down, and take out the Coals as low as Deptford and Greenwich,
and
some farther down.
Others deliver'd great Quantities of Coals in particular Places,
where the Ships could come to the Shoar, as at Greenwich, Blackwal,
and
other Places, in vast Heaps, as if to be kept for Sale; but were then
fetch'd away, after the Ships which brought them were gone; so that the
Seamen had no Communication with the River-Men, nor so much as came
near one another.
Yet all this Caution, could not effectually prevent the Distemper
getting among the Colliery, that is to say, among the Ships, by which a
great many Seamen died of it; and that which was still worse, was, that
they carried it down to Ipswich, and Yarmouth, to Newcastle
upon Tyne, and other
Places on the Coast; where, especially at Newcastle and at Sunderland,
it carried off a great Number of People.
The making so many Fires as above, did indeed consume an unusual
Quantity of Coals; and that upon one or two stops of the Ships coming
up, whether by contrary Weather, or by the Interruption of
Enemies, I do not remember, but the Price of Coals was exceeding dear,
even as high as 4 1. a Chalder, but it soon abated when the Ships came
in, and as afterwards they had a freer Passage, the Price was very
reasonable all the rest of that Year.
The publick Fires which were made on these Occasions, as I have
calculated it, must necessarily have cost the City about 200 Chalder
of Coals a Week, if they had continued, which was indeed a very great
Quantity; but as it was thought necessary, nothing was spar'd;
however, as some of the Physicians cry'd them down, they were not
kept a-light above four or five Days; the Fires were order'd thus.
One at the Custom-house, one at Billingsgate, one at Queen-hith,
and
one at the Three Cranes, one in Black Friers, and one
at the Gate of Bridewel, one at the Corner of Leadenhal
Street,
and Grace-church, one
at the North, and one at the South Gate of the Royal Exchange,
one at Guild Hall, and one at Blackwell-hall Gate, one
at
the Lord Mayors
Door, in St. Helens, one at the West Entrance into St. Paul's,
and
one at the Entrance into Bow Church: I do not remember whether
there
was any at the City Gates, but one at the Bridge foot there
was, just
by St. Magnus Church.
I know, some have quarrelled since that at the Experiment, and said,
that there died the more People because of those
Fires; but I am persuaded those that say so, offer no Evidence to prove
it, neither can I believe it on any Account whatever.
It remains to give some Account of the State of Trade at home in England,
during this dreadful Time and particularly as it relates to the
Manufactures, and the Trade in the City: At the first breaking out of
the Infection, there was, as it is easie to suppose, a very great
fright among the People, and consequently a general slop of Trade;
except in Provisions and Necessaries of Life, and even in those Things,
as there was a vast Number of People fled, and a very great Number
always sick, besides the Number which died, so there could not be above
two Thirds, if above one Half of the Consumption of Provisions in the
City as used to be.
It pleas'd God, to send a very plentiful Year of Corn and Fruit, but
not of Hay or Grass; by which means Bread was cheap, by Reason of the
Plenty of Corn: Flesh was cheap, by Reason of the Scarcity of Grass;
but Butter and Cheese were dear for the same Reason, and Hay in the
Market just beyond White-Chapel Bars, was sold at 4 1. per
Load. But that affected not the Poor; there was a most excessive Plenty
of all Sorts of Fruit, such as Apples, Pears, Plumbs, Cherries, Grapes;
and they were the cheaper, because of the want of People; but this made
the Poor eat them to excess, and this brought them into Fluxes, griping
of the Guts, Surfeits, and the like, which often precipitated them into
the Plague.
But to come to Matters of Trade; first, Foreign Exportation being
stopt, or at least very much interrupted, and rendered difficult; a
general Stop of all those Manufactories followed of Course, which were
usually bought for Exportation; and tho' sometimes Merchants Abroad
were importunate for Goods, yet little was sent, the Passages being so
generally stop'd, that the English Ships would not be admitted,
as is said already, into their Port.
This put a Stop to the Manufactures, that were for Exportation in most
Parts of England,
except in some out Ports; and even that was soon stop'd; for they all
had the Plague in their Turn: But tho' this was felt all over England,
yet what was still worse, all Intercourse of Trade for Home Consumption
of Manufactures, especially those which usually circulated thro' the Londoners
Hands, was stop'd at once, the Trade of the City being stop'd.
All Kinds of Handicrafts in the City, &c. Tradesmen and
Mechanicks, were, as I have said before, out of Employ, and this
occasion'd the putting off, and dismissing an innumerable Number of
Journey-men, and Workmen of all Sorts, seeing nothing was done relating
to such Trades, but what might be said to be absolutely necessary.
This caused the Multitude of single People in London to be
unprovided for; as also of Families, whose living depended upon the
Labour of the Heads of those Families; I say, this reduced them to
extream Misery; and I must confess it is for the Honour of the City
of'London, and will be for many Ages, as long as this is to be spoken
of, that they were able to supply with charitable Provision, the Wants
of so many Thousands of those as afterwards fell sick, and were
distressed; so that it may be safely aver'd that no Body perish'd for
Want, at least that the Magistrates had any notice given them of.
This Stagnation of our Manufacturing Trade in the Country, would have
put the People there to much greater Difficulties, but that the
Master-Workmen, Clothie and others, to
the uttermost of their Stocks and Strength kept on making their Goods
to keep the Poor at Work' believing that as soon as the Sickness should
abate the' would have a quick Demand in Proportion to the Decay of
their Trade at that Time: But as none but those Masters that were
rich could do thus, and that many were poor and not able, the
Manufacturing Trade in England suffer'd greatly, and the Poor were
pinch'd all over England; the Calamity of the City of London only.
It is true, that the next Year made them full amends by another
terrible Calamity upon the City; so that the City by one Calamity
impoverished and weaken'd the Country, and by another Calamity even
terrible too of its Kind, enrich'd the Country and made them again
amends: For an infinite Quantity of Houshold Stuff wearing Apparel, and
other Things, besides whole
Ware-houses fill'd with Merchandize and Manufactures, such as come from
all
Parts of England, were consum'd in the Fire of London,
the next Year
after this terrible Visitation : It is incredible what a Trade
this made all over the whole Kingdom, to make good the Want, and to
supply that Loss: So that, in short, all the manufacturing Hands in the
Nation were set on Work, and were little enough, for several Years, to
supply the Market and answer the Demands; all Foreign Markets also were
empty of our Goods, by the stop which had been occasioned by the
Plague, and before an open Trade was allow'd again; and the prodigious
Demand at Home falling in join'd to make a quick Vent for all
Sorts of Goods; so that there never was known such a Trade all over
England for the Time, as was in the first seven Years after the
Plague, and after the Fire of London.
It remains now, that I should say something of the merciful Part of
this terrible Judgment: The last Week in September, the Plague
being come to its Crisis, its Fury began to asswage. I remember my
Friend Doctor Heath
coming to see me the Week before, told me, he was sure that the
Violence of it would asswage in a few Days; but when I saw the weekly
Bill of that Week, which was the highest of the whole Year, being 8297
of all Diseases, I upbraided him with it, and ask'd him, what he had
made his Judgment from? His Answer, however, was not so much to seek,
as I thought it would have been; look you, says he, by the
Number which are at this Time sick and infected, there should have been
twenty Thousand dead the last Week, instead of eight Thousand, if the
inveterate mortal Contagion had been, as it was two Weeks ago; for then
it ordinarily kill'd in two or three Days, now not under Eight or Ten;
and then not above One in Five
recovered; whereas I have observ'd, that now not above Two in Five
miscarry; and observe it from me, the next Bill will decrease, and you
will see many more People recover than used to do; for tho' a vast
Multitude are now every where infected, and as many every Day fall
sick; yet there will not so many die as there did, for the Malignity of
the Distemper is abated; adding, that he began now to hope, nay more
than hope, that the Infection had pass'd its Crisis, and was going off;
and accordingly so it was, for the next Week being, as I said, the last
in September, the Bill decreased almost two Thousand.
It is true, the Plague was still at a frightful Height, and the next
Bill was no less than 6460, and the next to that 5720; but still my
Friend's Observation was just, and it did appear the People did recover
faster, and more in Number, than they used to do; and indeed if it had
not been so, what
had been the Condition of the City of London? for according to
my
Friend there were not fewer than sixty Thousand People at that Time
infected, whereof, as above, 20477 died, and near 40000
recovered; whereas had it been as it was before, Fifty thousand of
that Number would very probably have died, if not more, and 50000 more
would have sickned; for in a Word, the whole Mass of People began to
sicken, and it look'd as if none would escape.
But this Remark of my Friend's appear'd more evident in a few
Weeks more; for the Decrease went on, and another Week in Oflober it
decreas'd 1849. So that the Number dead of the Plague was but 2665, and
the next Week it decreased 1413 more, and yet it was seen plainly,
that there was abundance of People sick, nay abundance more than
ordinary, and abundance fell sick every Day, but (as above) the
Malignity of the Disease
abated.
Such is the precipitant Disposition of our People, whether it is so or
not all over the World, that's none of my particular Business to
enquire; but I saw it apparently here, that as upon the first
Fright of the Infection, they shun'd one another, and fled from one
another's Houses, and from the City with an unaccountable, and, as I
thought, unnecessary Fright; so now upon this Notion spreading,
(viz.) that the Distemper was not so catching as formerly, and
that if
it was catch'd, it was not so mortal, and seeing abundance of People
who really fell sick, recover again daily; they took to such a
precipitant Courage, and grew so entirely regardless of
themselves, and of the Infection, that they made no more of the
Plague than of an ordinary Fever, nor indeed so much; they not only
went boldly into Company, with those who had Tumours and Carbuncles
upon them, that were running, and
consequently contagious, but eat and drank with them, nay into their
Houses to visit them, and even, as I was told, into their very Chambers
where they lay sick.
This I cou'd not see rational; my Friend Doctor Heath allow'd,
and it
was plain to Experience, that the Distemper was as catching as ever,
and as many fell sick, but only he alledg'd, that so many of those that
fell sick did not die; but I think that while many did die, and that,
at best, the Distemper it self was very terrible, the Sores and
Swellings very tormenting, and the Danger of Death not left out of the
Circumstance of Sickness, tho' not so frequent as before; all those
things together, with the exceeding Tediousness of the Cure, the
Loathsomness of the Disease, and many other Articles, were enough to
deter any Man living from a dangerous Mixture with the sick
People, and make them as anxious almost to avoid the Infection as
before.
Nay there was another Thing which made the meer catching of the
Distemper frightful, and that was the terrible burning of the
Causticks, which the Surgeons laid on the Swellings to bring them to
break, and to run; without which the Danger of Death was very great,
even to the last; also the unsufferable Torment of the Swellings,
which tho' it might not make People raving and distracted,
as they were before, and as I have given several Instances of already,
yet
they put the Patient to inexpressible Torture; and those that
fell into it, tho' they did escape with Life, yet they made bitter
Complaints of those, that had told them there was no Danger, and sadly
repented their Rashness and Folly in venturing to run into the reach of
it.
Nor did this unwary Conduct of the People end here, for a great many
that thus cast off their Cautions suffered more deeply Still; and tho'
many escap'd, yet many died; and at least it had this publick Mischief
attending it that it made the Decrease of Burials slower than it would
otherwise have been; for as this Notion run like Lightning thro' the
City, and People's Heads were possess'd with it, even as soon as the
first great Decrease in the Bills appear'd, we found, that the two next
Bills did not decrease in
Proportion; the Reason I take to be the Peoples running so rashly into
Danger, giving up all their former Cautions, and Care, and all the
Shyness which they used to practise; depending that the Sickness would
not reach them, or that if it did they should not die.
The Physicians oppos'd this thoughtless Humour of the People with all
their Might, and gave out printed Directions, spreading them all over
the City and Suburbs, advising the People to continue reserv'd,
and to use still the utmost Caution in their ordinary Conduct,
notwithstanding the Decrease of the Distemper, terrifying them
with the Danger of bringing a Relapse upon the whole City, and telling
them how such a Relapse might be more fatal and dangerous than the
whole Visitation that had been already; with many Arguments and
Reasons to explain and prove that part to them, and which are too long
to repeat here.
But it was all to no Purpose, the audacious Creatures were so possess'd
with the first Joy, and so surpriz'd with the Satisfaction of seeing a
vast Decrease in the weekly Bills, that they were impenetrable by any
new Terrors, and would not be persuaded, but that the Bitterness of
Death was pass'd; and it was to no more purpose to talk to them, than
to an East-wind; but they open'd Shops, went about Streets, did
Business, and conversed with any Body that came in their Way to
converse with, whether with Business, or without, neither inquiring of
their Health, or so much as being Apprehensive of any Danger from them,
tho' they knew them not to be sound.
This imprudent rash Conduct cost a great many their Lives, who had with
great Care and Caution shut themselves up, and kept retir'd as it
were from all Mankind, and had by that means, under God's Providence,
been preserv'd thro' all the heat of that Infection.
This rash and foolish Conduct, I say, of the People went so
far, that
the Ministers took notice to them of it at last, and laid before them
both the Folly and Danger of it; and this check'd it a little, so that
they grew more cautious, but it had another Effect, which they cou'd
not check; for as the first Rumour had spread not over the City only,
but into the Country, it had the like Effect, and the People were so
tir'd with being so long from London, and so eager to come
back, that
they flock'd to Town without Fear or Forecast,
and began to shew themselves in the Streets, as if all the Danger was
over: It was indeed surprising to see it, for tho' there died still
from a Thousand to eighteen Hundred a Week, yet the People flock'd to
Town, as if all had been well.
The Consequence of this was, that the Bills encreas'd again Four
Hundred the very first Week in November; and if I might believe the
Physicians, there was above three Thousand fell sick that Week, most of
them new Comers too, lock'd up his House, and was gone in the Country,
as many others did,
and finding the Plague so decreas'd in November, that there died but
905 per Week of all Diseases, he ventur'd home again; he had in
his Family Ten Persons, that is to say, himself and Wife, five Children
two Apprentices, and a Maid Servant; he had not been return'd to his
House above a Week, and began to open his Shop, and carry on his Trade,
but the Distemper broke out in his Family, and within about five Days
they all died, except one, that is to say, himself, his Wife, all his
five Children, and his two Apprentices, and only the Maid remain'd
alive.
But the Mercy of God was greater to the rest than we had Reason to
expect; for the Malignity, as I have said, of the Distemper was spent,
the Contagion was exhausted, and also the Winter Weather came on
apace, and the Air was clear and cold, with some sharp Frosts; and this
encreasing still, most of those that had fallen sick recover'd, and the
Health of the City began to return: There were indeed some
Returns of the Distemper, even in the Month of December,
and the
Bills en-creased near a Hundred, but it went off again and so in a
short while, Things began to return to their own Channel. And
wonderful it was to see how populous the City was again all on a
sudden; so that a Stranger could not miss the Numbers that were lost,
neither was there any miss of the Inhabitants as to their Dwellings:
Few or no empty Houses were to be seen, or if there were some, there
was no want of Tenants for them.
I wish I cou'd say, that as the City had a new Face, so the Manners of
the People had a new Appearance: I doubt not but there were many that
retain'd a sincere Sense of their Deliverance, and that were heartily
thankful to that sovereign Hand, that had protected them in so
dangerous a
Time; it would be very uncharitable to judge otherwise in a City of
populous, and where the People were so devout, as they were here in the
Time of the Visitation it self; but except what of this was to be found
in particular Families, and Faces, it must be acknowledg'd that the
general Practice of the People was just as it was before, and very
little Difference was to be seen.
Some indeed said Things were worse, that the Morals of the People
declin'd from this very time; that the People harden'd by the
Danger they had been in, like Seamen after a Storm is over, were
more wicked and more stupid, more bold and hardened in their Vices and
Immoralities than they were before; but I will not carry it so far
neither: It would take up a History of no small Length, to give a
Particular of all the Gradations, by which the Course of Things in this
City came to be restor'd again, and to run in their own Channel as
they did before.
Some Parts of England were, new infected as violently as
London had
been; the Cities of Norwich, Peterborough, Lincoln, Colchester,
and
other Places were now visited; and the Magistrates of London began
to
set Rules for our Conduct, as to corresponding with those Cities: It is
true, we could not pretend to forbid their People coming to London,
because it was impossible to know them assunder, so after many
Consultations, the Lord Mayor, and Court of Aldermen were oblig'd to
drop it: All they cou'd do, was to warn and caution the People, not to
entertain in their Houses, or converse with any People who they knew
came from such infected Places.
But they might as well have talk'd to the Air, for the People of
London thought themselves so Plague-free now, that they
were
past all Admonitions; they seem'd to depend upon it, that the Air was
restor'd, and that the Air was like a Man that had had the Small Pox,
not capable of being infected again; this reviv'd that Notion, that the
Infection was all in the Air, that there was no such thing as Contagion
from the sick People to the Sound; and so strongly did this Whimsy
prevail among People, that they run all together promiscuously, sick
and well; not the Mahometans, who, prepossess'd with the
Principle of
Predestination value nothing of Contagion, let it be in what it
will, could be more obstinate than the People of London; they
that were
perfectly sound, and came out of the wholesome Air, as we call it, into
the City, made nothing of going into the same Houses and Chambers, nay
even into the same Beds, with those that had the Distemper upon them,
and were not recovered.
Some indeed paid for their audacious Boldness with the Price of their
Lives; an infinite Number fell sick, and the Physicians had more Work
than ever, only with this Difference, that more of their Patients
recovered; that is to say, they generally recovered, but certainly
there
were more People infected, and fell sick now, when there did not die
above a Thousand, or Twelve Hundred in a Week, than there was when
there died Five or Six Thousand a Week; so entirely negligent were
the People at that Time, in the great and dangerous Case of Health and
Infection; and so ill were they able to take or accept of the Advice of
those who cautioned them for their Good.
The People being thus return'd, as it were in general, it was very
strange to find, that in their inquiring after their Friends, some
whole Families were so entirely swept away, that
there was no Remembrance of them left; neither was any Body to be found
to possess or shew any Title to that little they had left; for in such
Cases, what was to be found was generally embezzled, and purloyn'd
some gone one way, some another.
It was said such abandon'd Effects, came to the King as the universal
Heir, upon which we are told, and I suppose it was in part true,
that the King granted all such as Deodands to the Lord Mayor and Court
of Aldermen of London, to be applied to the use of the Poor, of
whom
there were very many: For it is to be observ'd, that tho' the Occasions
of Relief, and the Objects of Distress were very many more in the Time
of the Violence of the Plague, than now after all was over; yet the
Distress of the Poor was more now, a great deal than it was then,
because all the Sluces of general Charity were now shut: People
suppos'd the main Occasion to be over, and so stop'd their Hands;
whereas particular Objects were still very moving, and the Distress of
those that were Poor, was very great indeed.
Tho' the Health of the City was now very much restor'd, yet
Foreign Trade did not begin to stir, neither would Foreigners admit our
Ships into their Ports for a great while; as for the Dutch, the
Misunderstandings between our Court and them had broken out into a
War the Year before; so that our Trade that way was wholly interrupted;
but Spain and Portugal, Italy and Barbary,
as also Hamburgh, and all
the Ports in the Baltick, these were all shy of us a great
while, and
would not restore Trade with us for many Months.
The Distemper sweeping away such Multitudes, as I have observ'd, many,
if not all the out Parishes were obliged to make new burying Grounds,
besides that I have mention'd in Bunhil-Fields, some of which
were continued, and remain in
Use to this
Day; but others were left off, and which, I confess, I mention with
some Reflection, being converted into other Uses, or built upon
afterwards, the dead Bodies were disturb'd, abus'd, dug up again, some
even before the Flesh of them was perished from the Bones, and remov'd
like Dung or Rubbish to other Places; some of those which came within
the Reach of my Observation, are as follow.
1. A piece of Ground beyond Goswel Street, near Mount-Mill,
being some
of the Remains of the old Lines or Fortifications of the City, where
Abundance were buried promiscuously from the Parishes of Aldersgate,
Clerkenwell, and even out of the City. This Ground, as I
take it, was
since made a Physick Garden, and after that has been built upon.
2. A piece of Ground just over the Black Ditch, as it was then
call'd,
at the end of HoIloway Lane, in Shoreditch Parish; it has been
since
made a Yard for keeping Hogs; and for other ordinary Uses, but is quite
out of Use as a burying Ground.
3. The upper End of Hand-Alley in Bishopsgate-Street,
which was then a
green Field, and was taken in particularly for Bishopsgate
Parish, tho'
many of the Carts out of the City brought their dead thither also,
particularly out of the Parish of St. Allhallows on the Wall;
this
Place I cannot mention without much Regret, it was, as I remember,
about two or three Year after the Plague was ceas'd that Sir Robert Clayton
came to be possest of the Ground; it was reported,
how true I
know not, that it fell to the King for want of Heirs, all those who had
any Right to it being carried off by the Pestilence, and that Sir
Robert Clayton obtain'd a Grant of it from King Charles
II. But however he came by it,
certain it is, the Ground
was let out to build on, or built upon by his Order: The first
House built upon it was a large fair House still standing, which faces
the Street, or Way, now called Hand-Alley, which, tho' call'd
an Alley,
is as wide as a Street: The Houses in the same row with that House
Northward, are built on the very same Ground where the poor People were
buried, and the Bodies on opening the Ground for the Foundations, were
dug up, some of them remaining so plain to be seen, that the Womens
Sculls were distinguished by their long Hair, and of others, the Flesh
was not quite perished; so that the People began to exclaim loudly
against it, and some suggested that it might endanger a Return of the
Contagion: After which the Bones and Bodies, as fast as they came at
them, were carried to another part of the same Ground, and' thrown all
together into a deep Pit,. dug on purpose, which now is to be known, in
that it is not built on, but is a Passage to another House, at the
upper End of Rose Alley, just against the Door of a
Meeting-house, which has been built there many Years since; and
the Ground is palisadoed off from the rest of the Passage, in a little
square, there lye the Bones and Remains of near two thousand
Bodies, carried by the Dead-Carts to their Grave in that one Year.
4. Besides this, there was a piece of Ground in Moor-fields,
by the
going into the Street which is now call'd Old Bethlem, which
was
enlarg'd much, tho' not wholly taken in on the same occasion.
N. B. The Author of this Journal, lyes buried in that very
Ground,
being at his own Desire, his Sister having been buried there a few
Years before.
5. Stepney Parish, extending it self from the East part of
London to
the North, even to the very Edge of Shoreditch Church-yard, had
a
piece of Ground taken in to bury their Dead, close to the said
Church-yard; and which for that very Reason was left open, and is since
I suppose, taken into the same Church-yard; and they had also two other
burying Places in Spittlefields, one where since a Chapel or
Tabernacle
has been built for ease to this great Parish, and another in Petticoat-lane.
There were no less than Five other Grounds made use of for the Parish
of Stepney at that time; one where now stands the Parish Church
of St. Paul's Shadwel, and the other, where now stands
the Parish Church of
St. John at Wapping, both which had not the Names of
Parishes at that
time, but were belonging to Stepney Parish.
I cou'd name many more, but these coming within my particular
Knowledge, the Circumstance I thought made it of Use to record them;
from the whole, it may be observ'd, that they were oblig'd in this Time
of Distress, to take in new burying Grounds in most of the out
Parishes, for laying the prodigious Numbers of People which died in so
short a Space of Time; but why Care was not taken to keep those Places
separate from ordinary Uses, that so the Bodies might rest
undisturb'd, that I cannot answer for, and must confess, I think it was
wrong; who were to blame, I know not.
I should have mentioned, that the Quakers had at that Time also a
burying Ground, set apart to their Use, and which they still make use
of, and they had also a particular dead Cart to fetch
their Dead
from their Houses; and the famous Solomon Eagle, who, as I
mentioned
before, had predicted the Plague as a Judgment, and run naked
thro' the Streets, telling the People, that it was come upon them, to
punish them for their Sins, had his own Wife died
the very next Day of the Plague, and was carried one of the first in
the Quakers dead Cart, to their new burying Ground.
I might have throng'd this Account with many more remarkable Things,
which occur'd in the Time of the Infection, and particularly what
pass'd between the Lord Mayor and the Court, which was then at Oxford,
and what Directions were from time to time receiv'd from the Government
for their Conduct on this critical Occasion. But really the Court
concern'd themselves so little, and that little they did was of so
small Import, that I do not see it of much Moment to mention any Part
of it here, except that of appointing a Monthly Fast in the City, and
the sending the Royal Charity to the Relief of the Poor, both which I
have mention'd before.
Great was the Reproach thrown on those Physicians who left their
Patients during the Sickness, and now they came to Town again, no Body
car'd to employ them; they were call'd Deserters, and frequently Bills
were set up upon their Doors, and written, Here is a Doctor to be
let!
So that several of those Physicians were fain for a while to sit still
and look about them, or at least remove their Dwellings, and set up in
new Places, and among new Acquaintance; the like was the Case with the
Clergy, who the People were indeed very abusive to, writing Verses and
scandalous Reflections upon them, setting upon the Church Door, here
is
a Pulpit to be let, or sometimes to be sold, which was
worse.
It was not the least of our Misfortunes, that with our Infection, when
it ceased, there did not cease the Spirit of Strife and Contention,
Slander and Reproach, which was really the great Troubler of the
Nation's Peace before: It was said to be the Remains of the old
Animosities, which had
so lately involv'd us all in Blood and Disorder, But as the late
Act of Indemnity had laid asleep the Quarrel it self, so the Government
had recommended Family and Personal Peace upon all Occasions, to the
whole Nation.
But it cou'd not be obtain'd, and particularly after the ceasing of the
Plague in London, when any one that had seen the Condition
which the
People had been in and how they caress'd one another at that time,
promis'd to have more Charity for the future, and to raise no more
Reproaches: I say, any one that had seen them then would have thought
they would have come together with another Spirit at last. But, I say,
it cou'd not be obtain'd; the Quarrel remain'd, the Church and the
Presbyterians were incompatible; as soon as the Plague was
remov'd, the dissenting outed Ministers who had supplied the
Pulpits, which were deserted by the Incumbents, retir'd, they
cou'd expect no other; but that they should immediately fall upon them,
and harrass them, with their penal Laws, accept their preaching while
they were sick, and persecute them as soon as they were recover'd
again, this even we that were of the Church thought was very hard, and
cou'd by no means approve of it.
But it was the Government, and we cou'd say nothing to hinder it; we
cou'd only say, it was not our doing, and we could not answer for it.
On the other Hand, the Dissenters reproaching those Ministers of the
Church with going away, and deserting their Charge, abandoning the
People in their Danger, and when they had most need of Comfort and the
like, this we cou'd by no means approve; for all Men have not the same
Faith, and the same Courage, and the Scripture commands us
to judge the most favourably, and according to Charity.
A Plague is a formidable Enemy, and is arm'd with Terrors, that every
Man is not sufficiently fortified to resist, or prepar'd to stand
the Shock against: It is very certain, that a great many of the Clergy,
who were in Circumstances to do it, withdrew, and fled for the Safety
of their Lives; but 'tis true also, that a great many of them staid,
and many of them fell in the Calamity, and in the Discharge of their
Duty.
It is true, some of the Dissenting turn'd out Ministers staid, and
their
Courage is to be commended, and highly valued, but these were not
abundance; it cannot be said that they all staid, and that none retir'd
into the Country, any more than it can be said of the Church Clergy,
that they all went away; neither did all those that went away, go
without substituting Curates, and others in their Places, to do the
Offices needful, and to visit the Sick, as far as it was practicable;
so that upon the whole, an Allowance of Charity might have been made on
both Sides, and we should have consider'd, that such a time as this of
1665, is not to be parallel'd in History, and that it is not the
stoutest Courage that will always support Men in such Cases; I had
not said this, but had rather chosen to record the Courage and
religious Zeal of those of both Sides, who did hazard themselves for
the Service of the poor People in their Distress, without
remembering that any fail'd in their Duty on either side. But the
want of Temper among us, has made the contrary to this necessary;
some that staid, not only boasting too much of themselves, but reviling
those that fled, branding them with Cowardice, deserting their Flocks,
and acting the Part of the
Hireling, and the like: I recommend it to the Charity of all good
People to look back, and reflect duly upon the Terrors of the Time; and
whoever does so will see, that it is not an ordinary Strength that
cou'd support it: it was not like appearing in the Head of an Army, or
charging a Body of Horse in the Field; but it was charging Death it
self on his pale Horse; to stay was indeed to die, and it could be
esteemed nothing less, especially as things appear'd at the latter
End of August, and the Beginning of September, and as
there was reason
to expect them at that time; for no Man expected, and I dare say,
believed, that the Distemper would take so sudden a Turn as it did, and
fall immediately 2000 in a Week, when there was such a
prodigious Number of People sick at that Time, as it was known
there was; and then it was that many shifted away, that had stay'd most
of the time before.
Besides, if God gave Strength to some more than to others, was it to
boast of their Ability to abide the Stroak, and upbraid those that had
not the same Gift and Support, or ought not they rather to have
been humble and thankful, if they were render'd more useful than their
Brethren?
I think it ought to be recorded to the Honour of such Men, as well
Clergy as Physicians, Surgeons, Apothecaries, Magistrates and
Officers of every kind, as also all useful People, who ventur'd their
Lives in Discharge of their Duty, as most certainly all such as stay'd
did to the last Degree, and several of all these Kinds did not only
venture but lose their Lives on that sad Occasion.
I was once making a List of all such, I mean of all those Professions
and Employments, who thus died, as I call it, in the way of their Duty,
but it was impossible for a private Man to come at a Certainty in the
Particulars; I
only remember, that there died sixteen Clergymen, two Aldermen,
five Physicians, thirteen Surgeons, within the City and Liberties
before the beginning of September: But this being, as I said
before,
the great Crisis and Extremity of the Infection, it can be no
cormpleat List: As to inferior People, I think there died six and
forty Constables and Headboroughs in the two Parishes of Stepney
and White-Chapel; but I could not carry my List on, for when
the violent
Rage of the Distemper in September came upon us, it drove
us out
of all Measures: Men did then no more die by Tale and by Number, they
might put out a Weekly Bill, and call them seven or eight Thousand, or
what they pleas'd; 'tis certain they died by Heaps, and were
buried by Heaps, that is to say without Account; and if I might believe
some People, who were more abroad and more conversant with those things
than I, tho' I was public enough for one that had no more Business to
do
than I had, I say, if I may believe them, there was not many less
buried those first three Weeks in September than 20000 per
Week;
however the others aver the Truth of it, yet I rather chuse to
keep to the public Account; seven and eight thousand per Week is enough
to make good all that I have said of the Terror of those Times; and it
is much to the Satisfaction of me that write, as well as those
that read, to be able to say, that every thing is set down with
Moderation, and rather within Compass than beyond it.
Upon all these Accounts I say I could wish, when we were recover'd, our
Conduct had been more distinguish'd for Charity and Kindness in
Remembrance of the past Calamity, and not so much a valuing our selves
upon our Boldness in staying, as if all Men were Cowards that fly from
the Hand of God, or that those, who stay, do not
sometimes owe their Courage to their Ignorance, and despising the Hand
of their Maker, which is a criminal kind of Desperation, and not a true
Courage.
I cannot but leave it upon Record, that the Civil Officers, such as
Constables, Headboroughs, Lord Mayor's, and Sheriff's-men, as also
Parish-Officers, whose Business it was to take Charge of the Poor, did
their Duties in general with as much Courage as any, and perhaps
with more, because their Work was attended with more Hazards, and lay
more among the Poor, who were more subject to be infected and in the
most pitiful Plight when they were taken with the Infection: But then
it must be added too, that a great Number of them died, indeed it was
scarce possible it should be otherwise.
I have not said one Word here about the Physick or Preparations
that we ordinarily made use of on this terrible Occasion, I mean we
that went frequently abroad up and down Street, as I did; much of this
was talk'd of in the Books and Bills of our Quack Doctors, of whom I
have said enough already. It may however be added, that the College of
Physicians were daily publishing several Preparations, which they
had consider'd of in the Process of their Practice, and which being to
be had in Print, I avoid repeating them for that reason.
One thing I could not help observing, what befell one of the Quacks,
who publish'd that he had a most excellent Preservative against
the
Plague, which whoever kept about them, should never be infected, or
liable to Infection; this Man, who we may reasonably suppose, did
not go abroad without some of this excellent Preservative in his
Pocket, yet was taken by the Distemper, and carry'd off in two or three
Days.
I am not of the Number of the Physic-Haters, or Physic-Despisers; on
the contrary, I have often mentioned the regard I had to the
Dictates of my particular Friend Dr. Heath; but yet I must
acknowledge,
I made use of little or nothing, except as I have observ'd, to keep a
Preparation of strong Scent to have ready, in easel met with any thing
of offensive Smells, or went too near any burying place, or dead Body.
Neither did I do, what I know some did, keep the Spirits always high
and hot with Cordials, and Wine, and such things, and which, as I
observ'd, one learned Physician used himself so much to, as that
he could not leave them off when the Infection was quite gone, and so
became a Sot for all his Life after.
I remember, my Friend the Doctor us'd to say, that there was a certain
Set of Drugs and Preparations, which were all certainly good and useful
in the case of an Infection; out of which, or with which,
Physicians might make an infinite Variety of Medicines, as the Ringers
of Bells make several Hundred different Rounds of Musick by the
changing and Order of Sound but in six Bells; and that all these
Preparations shall be really very good; therefore, said he, I do not
wonder that so vast a Throng of Medicines is offer'd in the present
Calamity; and almost every Physician prescribes or prepares a
different thing, as his Judgment or Experience guides him: but, says my
Friend, let all the Prescriptions of all the Physicians in London
be examined; and it will be found, that they are all compounded of the
same things, with such Variations only, as the particular Fancy of the
Doctor leads him to; so that, says he, every Man judging a little of
his own Constitution and manner of his living, and Circumstances of his
being infected, may direct his own Medicines out of the ordinary Drugs
and Preparations: Only that, says
he, some recommend one thing as most sovereign, and some another; some,
says he, think that Pill, Ruff, which is call'd itself the
Antipestilential Pill is the best Preparation that can be made; others
think that Venice Treacle is sufficient of it self to resist
the
Contagion, and I, says he, think as both these think, viz.
that
the last is good to take beforehand to prevent it, and the last, if
touch'd, to expel it. According to this Opinion, I several times took Venice
Treacle, and a sound Sweat upon it, and thought my
self as well
fortified against the Infection as any one could be fortifyed by
the Power of Physic.
As for Quackery and Mountebank, of which the Town was so full, I
listened to none of them, and have observ'd often since with some
Wonder, that for two Years after the Plague, I scarcely saw or heard of
one of them about Town. Some fancied they were all swept away in the
Infection to a Man, and were for calling it a particular Mark of God's
Vengeance upon them, for leading the poor People into the Pit of
Destruction, merely for the Lucre of a little Money they got by
them; but I cannot go that Length neither; that Abundance of them died
is certain, many of them came within the Reach of my own Knowledge; but
that all of them were swept off I much question; I believe rather they
fled into the Country, and tryed their Practices upon the People there,
who were in Apprehension of the Infection, before it came among them.
This however is certain, not a Man of them appear'd for a great while
in or about London;
there were indeed several Doctors, who published
Bills, recommending their several physical Preparations for cleansing
the Body, as they call it, after the Plague, and needful, as they said,
for such People to take, who had been visited and had been cur'd;
whereas I must own, I believe that it was the Opinion of the most
eminent Physicians at that time, that the Plague was itself a
sufficient Purge; and that those who escaped the Infection needed no
Physic to cleanse their Bodies of any other things; the running Sores,
the Tumors, &c. which were broke and kept open by the Directions of
the Physicians, having sufficiently cleansed them; and that all other
Distempers and Causes of Distempers were effectually carried off that
Way; and as the Physicians gave this as their Opinions, wherever they
came, the Quacks got little Business.
There were indeed several little Hurries, which happen'd after the
Decrease of the Plague, and which whether they were contriv'd to fright
and disorder the People, as some imagin'd, I cannot say, but sometimes
we were told the Plague would return by such a Time; and the famous Solomon
Eagle the naked Quaker, I have mention'd,
prophesy'd evil
Tidings every Day; and several others telling us that London had
not
been sufficiently scourg'd, and the sorer and severer Strokes were
yet behind; had they stop'd there, or had they descended to
Particulars, and told us that the City should the next Year be
destroyed by Fire; then indeed, when we had seen it come to pass, we
should not have been to blame to have paid more than a common Respect
to their Prophetick Spirits, at least we should have wonder'd at them,
and have been more serious in our Enquiries after the meaning of it,
and whence they had the Fore-knowledge: But as they generally told us
of a Relapse into the Plague, we have had no Concern since that about
them; yet by these frequent Clamours, we were all kept with some kind
of
Apprehensions constantly upon us, and if any died suddenly, or if the
spotted Fevers at any time increased, we were presently alarm'd; much
more if the Number of the Plague encreased, for to the End of the Year,
there were always between 2 and 300 of the Plague; on any of these
Occasions, I say, we were alarm'd anew.
Those, who remember the City of London before the Fire, must
remember,
that there was then no such Place as that we now call Newgate-Market;
but that in the Middle of the Street, which is now call'd Blow-bladder
Street, and which had its Name from the Butchers, who us'd to kill
and
dress their Sheep there; (and who it seems had a Custom to blow up
their Meat with Pipes to make it look thicker and fatter than it was,
and were punish'd there for it by the Lord Mayor) I say, from the End
of the Street towards Newgate, there stood two long rows of
Shambles
for the selling Meat.
It was in those Shambles, that two Persons falling down dead, as they
were buying Meat, gave Rise to a Rumor, that the Meat was all infected,
which tho' it might affright the People, and spoil'd the Market for two
or three Days; yet it appear'd plainly afterwards, that there was
nothing of Truth in the Suggestion: But no Body can account for the
Possession of Fear when it takes hold of the Mind.
However it pleas'd God by the continuing of the Winter Weather to
restore the Health of the City, that by February following, we
reckon'd
the Distemper quite ceas'd, and then we were not so easily frighted
again.
There was still a Question among the Learned, and at first perplex'd
the People a little, and that was, in what manner to purge the Houses
and Goods, where the Plague had been; and
how to render them habitable again, which had been left empty during
the time of the Plague; Abundance of Perfumes and Preparations were
prescrib'd by Physicians, some of one kind and some of another, in
which the People ,who listened to them, put themselves to a great, and
indeed in my Opinion, to an unnecessary Expence; and the poorer People,
who only set open their Windows Night and Day, burnt Brimstone,
Pitch, and Gun-powder and such things in their Rooms, did as well as
the best; nay, the eager People, who as I said above, came Home in haft
and at all Hazards, found little or no Inconvenience in their
Houses nor in the Goods, and did little or nothing to them.
However, in general, prudent cautious People did enter into some
Measures for airing and sweetning their Houses, and burnt Perfumes,
Incense, Benjamin, Rozin, and Sulphur in the Rooms close shut up, and
then let the Air carry it all out with a Blast of Gun-powder; others
caused large Fires to be made all Day and all Night, for several Days
and Nights; by the same Token, that two or three were pleas'd to set
their Houses on Fire, and so effectually sweetned them by burning them
down to the Ground; as particularly one at Ratcliff, one Holborn,
and one at Westminster; besides two or three that
were set on Fire, but the Fire was happily got out again, before it
went far enough to burn down the Houses; and one Citizen's Servant, I
think
it was in Thames Street, carryed so much Gun-powder into his
Master's
House for clearing it of the Infection, and managed it so foolishly,
that he blew up part of the Roof of the House. But the Time was not
fully come, that the City was to be purg'd by Fire, nor was it far off;
for within Nine Months more I saw it all lying in Ashes; when, as some
of our Quacking
Philosophers pretend, the Seeds of the Plague were entirely destroy'd,
and not before; a Notion too ridiculous to speak of here, since, had
the Seeds of the Plague remain'd in the Houses, not to be destroyed but
by Fire, how has it been, that they have not since broken out? Seeing
all those Buildings in the Suburbs and Liberties, all in the great
Parishes of Stepney, Whitechapel, Aldgate, Bisbopsgate,
Sboreditch,
Cripple-gate, and St. Giles', where the Fire never came,
and where
the Plague rag'd with the greatest Violence, remain still in the
same Condition they were in before.
But to leave these things just as I found them, it was certain, that
those People, who were more than ordinarily cautious of their
Health, did take particular Directions for what they called
Seasoning of their Houses, and Abundance of costly Things were consum'd
on that Account, which, I cannot but say, not only seasoned those
Houses, as they desir'd, but fill'd the Air with very grateful and
wholesome Smells, which others had the Share of the Benefit of, as well
as those who were at the Expences of them.
And yet after all, tho' the Poor came to Town very precipitantly, as I
have said, yet I must say, the rich made no such Haste; the Men of
Business indeed came up, but many of them did not bring their Families
to Town, till the Spring came on, and that they saw Reason to depend
upon it, that the Plague would not return.
The Court indeed came up soon after Christmas, but the Nobility and
Gentry, except such as depended upon, and had Employment under the
Administration, did not come so soon.
I should have taken Notice here, that notwithstanding the Violence of
the Plague in London and in other Places, yet
it
was very observable, that it was never on Board the Fleet; and yet for
some time there was a strange Press in the River, and even in the
Streets for Sea-Men to man the Fleet. But it was in the Beginning of
the Year, when the Plague was scarce begun, and not at all come down to
that part of the City, where they usually press for Seamen; and tho' a
War with the Dutch was not at all grateful to the People at
that time,
and the Seamen went with a kind of Reluctancy into the Service, and
many complain'd of being drag'd into it by Force, yet it prov'd in the
Event a happy Violence to several of them, who had probably perished in
the general Calamity, and who after the Summer Service was over, tho'
they had Cause to lament the Desolation of their Families, who, when
they came back, were many of them in their Graves; yet they had room to
be thankful, that they were carried out of the Reach of it, tho' so
much against their Wills; we indeed had a hot War with the Dutch
that
Year, and one very great Engagement at Sea, in which the Dutch
were
worsted; but we lost a great many Men and some Ships. But, as I
observ'd, the Plague was not in the Fleet, and when they came to lay up
the Ships in the River, the violent part of it began to abate.
I would be glad, if I could close the Account of this melancholy Year
with some particular Examples historically; I mean of the
Thankfulness to God our Preserver for our being delivered from
this dreadful Calamity; certainly the Circumstances of the
Deliverance, as well as the terrible Enemy we were delivered from,
call'd upon the whole Nation for it; the Circumstances of the
Deliverance were indeed very remarkable, as I have in part mention'd
already, and particularly the dreadfulCondition, which we were all in,
when we were, to the Surprize of the
whole Town, made joyful with the Hope of a Stop of the Infection.
Nothing, but the immediate Finger of God, nothing but omnipotent Power
could have done it; the Contagion despised all Medicine, Death
rag'd in every Corner and had it gone on as it did then, a few Weeks
more would have clear'd the Town of all, and every thing that had a
Soul: Men every where began to despair, every Heart fail'd them for
Fear, People were made desperate thro' the Anguish of their Souls, and
the Terrors of Death sat in the very Faces and Countenances of the
People.
In that very Moment, when we might very well say, Vain was the Help of
Man; I say in that very Moment it pleased God, with a most agreeable
Surprize, to cause the Fury of it to abate, even of it self, and the
Malignity declining, as I have said, tho' infinite Numbers were sick,
yet fewer died; and the very first Week's Bill decreased 1843, a
vast Number indeed!
It is impossible to express the Change that appear'd in the very
Countenances of the People, that Thursday
Morning, when the Weekly Bill
came out; it might have been perceiv'd in their Countenances, that a
secret Surprize and Smile of Joy sat on every Bodies Face; they
shook one another by the Hands in the Streets, who would hardly go on
the
same Side of the way with one another before; where the Streets were
not too broad, they would open their Windows and call from one House,
to another, and ask'd how they did, and if they had heard the good
News, that the Plague was abated; Some would return when they said
good News, and ask, what good News? and when they answered, that the
Plague was abated, and the Bills decreased almost 2000, they would cry
out, God be
praised; and would weep aloud for Joy, telling them they had heard
nothing of it; and such was the Joy of the People that it was as it
were Life to them from the Grave. I could almost set down as many
extravagant things done in the Excess of their Joy, as of their
Grief; but that would be to lessen the Value of it.
I must confess my self to have been very much dejected just before
this happen'd; for the prodigious Number that were taken sick the Week
or two before, besides those that died, was such, and the Lamentations
were so great every where, that a Man must have seemed to have acted
even against his Reason, if he had so much as expected to escape; and
as there was hardly a House, but mine, in all my Neighbourhood, but
what was infected; so had it gone on, it would not have been
long, that there would have been any more Neighbours to be infected;
indeed it is hardly credible, what dreadful Havock the last three
Weeks had made, for if I might believe the Person, whose
Calculations I always found very well grounded, there were not less
than 30000 People dead, and near 100 thousand fallen sick in the three
Weeks I speak of; for the Number that sickened was surprising,
indeed it was astonishing, and those whose Courage upheld them all the
time before, sunk under it now.
In the Middle of their Distress, when the Condition of the City of London
was so truly calamitous, just then it pleased God,
as it were,
by his immediate Hand to disarm this Enemy; the Poyson was taken
out of the Sting, it was wonderful, even the Physicians themselves were
surprized at it; wherever they visited, they found their Patients
better, either they had sweated kindly, or theTumours were broke, or
the Carbuncles went down, and the Inflammations
round them chang'd Colour, or the Fever was gone, or the violent
Head-ach was asswag'd, or some good Symptom was in the Case; so that in
a few Days, every Body was recovering, whole Families that were
infected and down, that had Ministers praying with them, and expected
Death every Hour, were revived and healed, and none died at all
out of them.
Nor was this by any new Medicine found out, or new Method of Cure
discovered, or by any Experience in the Operation, which the
Physicians or Surgeons had attain'd to; but it was evidently from the
secret invisible Hand of him, that had at first sent this Disease as a
Judgment upon us; and let the Atheistic part of Mankind call my
Saying this what they please, it is no Enthusiasm; it was
acknowledg'd at that time by all Mankind; the Disease was enervated,
and
its Malignity spent, and let it proceed from whencesoever it will, let
the Philosophers search for Reasons in Nature to account for it by, and
labour as much as they will to lessen the Debt they owe to their Maker;
those Physicians, who had the least Share of Religion in them,
were oblig'd to acknowledge that it was all supernatural, that it was
extraordinary, and that no Account could be given of it.
If I should say, that this is a visible Summons to us all to
Thankfulness, especially we that were under the Terror of its Increase,
perhaps it may be thought by some, after the Sense of the thing was
over, an officious canting of religious things, preaching a Sermon
instead of writing a History, making my self a Teacher instead of
giving my Observations of things; and this restrains me very much from
going on here, as I might otherwise do: But if ten Leapers were healed,
and but one return'd to give Thanks, I desire to be as that one, and to
be thankful for my
self.
Nor will I deny, but there were Abundance of People who to all
Appearance were very thankful at that time; for their Mouths were
stop'd, even the Mouths of those, whose Hearts were not extraordinary
long affected with it: But the Impression was so strong at that time,
that it could not be resisted, no not by the worst of the People.
It was a common thing to meet People in the Street, that were
Strangers, and that we knew nothing at all of, expressing their
Surprize. Going one Day thro' Aldgate, and a pretty many People
being
passing and repassing, there comes a Man out of the End of the Minories,
and looking a little up the Street and down, he
throws his
Hands abroad, Lord, what an Alteration is here!
Why, last Week I came
along here, and hardly any Body was to be seen; another Man, I heard
him, adds to his Words, 'tis all wonderful, 'tis all a Dream:
Blessed
be God, says a third Man, and let us give Thanks to him, for
'tis all
his own doing: Human Help and human Skill was at an End. These were
all
Strangers to one another: But such Salutations as these were frequent
in the Street every Day; and in Spight of a loose Behaviour, the very
common People went along the Streets, giving God Thanks for their
Deliverance.
It was now, as I said before. the People had cast off all
Apprehensions, and that too fast; indeed we were no more afraid now to
pass by a man with a white Cap upon his Head, or with a Cloth wrapt
round his Neck, or with his Leg limping, occasion'd by the Sores in his
Groyn, all which were frightful to the last Degree, but the Week
before; but now the Streets was full of them, and these poor recovering
Creatures, give them their Due, appear'd very sensible of their
unexpected Deliverance; and I should wrong them very much, if I should
not acknowledge, that many of them were really thankful; but I must
own,
that for the Generality of the people it might be too justly said of
them, as was said of the Children of Israel, after their being
delivered from the Host of Pharaoh, when the passed the Red
Sea, and look'd back, and saw the Egyptians overwhelmed in
the Water, viz. That they sang his Praise, but they soon
forgot his Works.
I can go no farther here, I should be counted censorious, and perhaps
unjust, if I should enter into the unpleasing Work of reflecting,
whatever Cause there was for it, upon the Unthankfulness and Return of
all manner of Wickedness among us, which I was much an Eye-Witness of
my self; I shall conclude the Account of this calamitous Year therefore
with a coarse but sincere Stanza of my own, which I plac'd at the End
of my ordinary Memorandums, the same Year they were written:
A dreadful Plague in London was,
In the Year Sixty Five,
Which swept an
Hundred Thousand Souls
Away; yet I
alive!
H. F.
F I N I S.
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